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Fighting EOKA: the British counter-insurgency campaign on Cyprus, 1955-1959

机译:战斗EOKA:1955-1959年英国对塞浦路斯的平叛运动

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Collective violence in modern Cyprus is rooted in the politicization of history and the accident of geography. Competing local attachments to the Island's Hellenic and Ottoman pasts, the former cherished by the Greek majority, the latter reinvigorated by an embattled Turkish minority, crystallized into opposing visions of a permissible future for Cyprus thanks to an external catalyst: British colonial rule. The one thing upon which Cypriots of all backgrounds and opinions could agree was that Britain's political control of their island should end. Here, of course, the geography kicked in. Nestling the coast of Western Asia, Cyprus was pivotal to British imperial and Cold War strategies after 1945. It rendered Middle Eastern clients and enemies more accessible. And it offered an excellent vantage point from which to monitor, and potentially strike, Soviet military bases. Cyprus, then, was more than a classic garrison colony; it was a vital strategic hub. Ironically, Greece andTurkey, the two countries most invested in the Island's future, shared Britain's broad Cold War interests and NATO commitments. Their prescriptions for Cyprus - Enosis (union with the Greek motherland) versus partition and assured minority status for Cypriot Turks - seemed wholly antagonistic. Yet they would be reconciled in a Cyprus settlement hatched in bilateral talks between the Greek and Turkish Foreign Ministers in the backrooms of the United Nations. More temporary fix than permanent solution, this 1959 agreement was encouraged, if not originated, by British negotiators. Macmillan's government, squirming on the hook of another knotty decolonization, were happy to swap colonial administration for a tripartite arrangement whose fairness on paper belied its long-term impracticability.
机译:现代塞浦路斯的集体暴力根源于历史政治化和地理事件。前者受到希腊多数人的珍爱,而后者对希腊和奥斯曼帝国历史的本地依恋则与之竞争,后者则由四面楚歌的土耳其少数人重新振作起来,由于外部催化剂:英国殖民统治,对塞浦路斯的可允许未来形成了对立的愿景。所有背景和主张的塞浦路斯人都可以同意的一件事是,英国对他们的岛屿的政治控制权应终止。当然,这里的地理条件开始发挥作用。塞浦路斯位于西亚海岸,对1945年后的英帝国和冷战战略至关重要。它使中东客户和敌人更容易接近。它提供了一个极好的监视点,从该监视点可以监视并可能打击苏联的军事基地。因此,塞浦路斯不仅仅是一个经典的驻军殖民地;这是至关重要的战略中心。具有讽刺意味的是,希腊和土耳其这两个在该岛的未来上投入最多的国家分享了英国广泛的冷战利益和北约的承诺。他们对塞浦路斯的处方-Enosis(与希腊祖国的联盟)相对于塞浦路斯人的分裂和有保障的少数族裔地位-似乎完全是对立的。然而,在希腊和土耳其外交大臣在联合国后台进行的双边会谈中达成的塞浦路斯解决方案中,他们将和解。 1959年的这项协议是永久性解决方案,而不是永久解决方案,这是英国谈判代表鼓励(即使不是最初达成的)。麦克米伦政府在另一次棘手的非殖民化进程中挣扎,很高兴将殖民地行政部门换成三方安排,其书面上的公正性掩盖了其长期的不可行性。

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