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Weathering the storm: The politics of urban climate change adaptation planning

机译:渡过难关:城市气候变化适应规划的政治

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摘要

On 17 August 2017, Hurricane Harvey made landfall in East Texas. Over a four-day period, catastrophic flooding displaced 30,000 people and led to at least 50 deaths. While much of the media coverage of this extreme weather event was concerned with immediate impacts (see, for example, Sanchez et al., 2017), there were also rumblings about the role of city planning, or lack thereof, in the devastating floods experienced in Houston (Boburg and Reinhard, 2017). City officials' resistance to enacting more stringent building codes; stalled progress on flood-control projects; city residents' rejection of city-wide zoning; the paving of coastal and prairie wetlands; lack of comprehensive flood planning across the 34 municipalities of Harris County, which includes Houston; and other aspects of physical geography collectively may have facilitated the perfect storm (Boburg and Reinhard, 2017). Houston, however, is not alone in its zeal for rapid, unregulated, urban development. The shunning of state regulation and public sector-led planning in favor of "neoliberal urbanism" is underway globally, albeit in different forms (Harvey, 2011; Peck et al., 2009; Theodore et al., 2011). Scholars have explored this urban phenomenon in American cities for decades (see, for example, Brenner and Theodore, 2002; Hackworth, 2007; Smith, 2002). We see similar political economy patterns internationally. A defining characteristic of contemporary urban development in many Asian cities, for example, is the relative power of the private sector in urban and regional planning and the weakening of existing land development codes (Marks and Lebel, 2016; Shatkin, 2008). Take, for example, the Indonesian property developer, Ciputra, who built a 1200 hectare upscale waterfront development in an area specified in Jakarta's land use plan as "protected green zone" and "off-limits" for development (Leaf, 2015). In Thailand, weakening of existing land development codes has enabled the overbuilding of Bangkok, particularly in "green zones" and in floodways, with serious implications for urban flooding (Marks and Lebel, 2016).
机译:2017年8月17日,哈维飓风登陆了德克萨斯州东部。在四天的时间里,灾难性的洪水使30,000人流离失所,并导致至少50人死亡。尽管媒体对这一极端天气事件的报道大多与直接影响有关(例如,参见Sanchez等人,2017年),但也有关于城市规划在经历的毁灭性洪水中的作用的传言,或缺乏规划的传言。在休斯敦(Boburg and Reinhard,2017)。市政官员反对颁布更严格的建筑法规;防洪工程进度停滞;城市居民拒绝全市分区;铺筑沿海和草原湿地;哈里斯县(包括休斯顿)的34个城市缺乏全面的洪水计划;和自然地理的其他方面共同推动了这场完美的风暴(Boburg and Reinhard,2017)。然而,休斯敦并不孤单地追求快速,不受监管的城市发展。尽管存在不同形式,但全球范围内都在回避国家监管和公共部门主导的计划,以支持“新都市主义”(Harvey,2011; Peck等,2009; Theodore等,2011)。数十年来,学者们一直在美国城市中探索这种城市现象(例如,参见Brenner和Theodore,2002; Hackworth,2007; Smith,2002)。我们在国际上看到类似的政治经济格局。例如,在许多亚洲城市,当代城市发展的一个鲜明特征是私营部门在城市和区域规划中的相对力量以及现有土地开发法规的削弱(Marks and Lebel,2016; Shatkin,2008)。以印度尼西亚的房地产开发商Ciputra为例,他在雅加达的土地使用计划中指定了一个面积1200公顷的高档滨水开发区,作为“保护绿地”和“禁区”进行开发(Leaf,2015年)。在泰国,现行土地开发法规的削弱使曼谷过度建设,特别是在“绿色地带”和洪水道中,对城市洪水产生了严重影响(Marks and Lebel,2016)。

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