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For Their Eyes Only

机译:只为他们的眼睛

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Ever since Britain joined the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, those opposed to the war have explored all avenues to discover just how the decision to do so was reached. One of those avenues has now been blocked. On February 24th the government vetoed rulings by official freedom-of-information watchdogs that it should release the minutes of two cabinet meetings just before the invasion.rnIt is the first time since the Freedom of Information Act came into force in 2005 that the government has invoked a clause allowing it to refuse to comply with a ruling of the Information Tribunal. Even Labour mps had slunk from the House of Commons by the time the decision was announced. No appeal against the veto is possible, although there is a slim chance that a judicial review may be sought.rnCampaigners had hoped to learn more about cabinet deliberations on the lawfulness of invading Iraq without un authorisation. At around the time of the two crucial meetings, the attorney-general provided two separate legal opinions, ten days apart. The first expressed reservations; the second was more gung-ho. How much did ministers know about Lord Goldsmith's initial caveats? How free were they to question the basis for his opinions?
机译:自从英国于2003年加入以美国为首的对伊拉克的入侵以来,那些反对战争的人一直在探索所有途径,以发现这样做的决定是如何达成的。这些途径之一现已被封锁。 2月24日,政府否决了官方的信息自由监管机构的裁决,即应在入侵发生之前发布两次内阁会议的会议记录。这是自2005年《信息自由法》生效以来的第一次援引了一项条款,允许其拒绝遵守信息法庭的裁决。宣布这一决定时,连工党议员都从下议院退缩。尽管有极小的机会可以寻求司法审查,但对否决权的上诉是不可能的。竞选者曾希望更多地了解内阁关于未经授权而入侵伊拉克的合法性的审议。在两次重要会议的前后,总检察长分别提出了两份独立的法律意见,相隔十天。首先表示保留;第二个是更多的ung子。部长们对戈德史密斯勋爵最初的告诫了解多少?他们有多自由质疑他的观点依据?

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    《The economist》 |2009年第8620期|37|共1页
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 23:30:54

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