首页> 外文期刊>Frontiers in Psychology >Subject Gaps Revisited: Complement Clauses and Complementizer-Trace Effects
【24h】

Subject Gaps Revisited: Complement Clauses and Complementizer-Trace Effects

机译:重新审视主题差距:补充条款和互补仪 - 跟踪效果

获取原文
       

摘要

This study investigates how filler-gap dependencies associated with subject position are formed in online sentence comprehension. Since Crain and Fodor (1985) , “filled-gap” studies have provided evidence that the parser actively seeks to associate a wh-filler with a gap in direct object position of a sentence wherever possible; the evidence that this same process applies for subject position, is, however, more limited ( Stowe, 1986 ; Lee, 2004 ). We examine the processing of complement clauses, finding that wh dependency formation is actively attempted at embedded subject position (e.g., Kate in Who did Lucy think Kate could drive us home to? ), unless, however, the embedded clause contains a complementizer (e.g., Who did Lucy think that Kate … .? ). The absence of the dependency formation in the latter case demonstrates that the complementizer-trace effect (cf., ? Who did Lucy think that could drive us home to mom? ; Perlmutter, 1968 ) is, like syntactic island constraints ( Ross, 1967 ; Keshev and Meltzer-Asscher, 2017 ), immediately operative in online structure building.
机译:本研究调查如何在在线句子理解中形成与主题位置相关的填充空间依赖关系。由于李克兰和福索(1985),“填充差距”研究提供了证据表明,解析器积极寻求将WH填充物与句子的直接对象位置的间隙相关联;此同一过程适用于主题职位的证据,但更多有限公司(Stowe,1986; Lee,2004)。我们检查补充条款的处理,发现在嵌入主题位置积极地尝试依赖性形成(例如,露西认为凯特可以让我们回家的凯特,除非,嵌入条款包含互补器(例如露西谁认为凯特......?)。在后一种情况下没有依赖性形成表明互补曲线效应(CF.?谁是露西认为可以让我们回家的妈妈?; perlmutter,1968)就像句法岛限制(1967年罗斯; Keshev和Meltzer-Csscher,2017),立即在线结构建设。

著录项

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号