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Networked Authoritarianism and the Geopolitics of Information: Understanding Russian Internet Policy

机译:网络威权主义与信息地缘政治:了解俄罗斯的互联网政策

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??In the aftermath of the 2016 U.S. election, researchers, policymakers and the general public are grappling with the notion that the 45th president of the United States may very well owe his electoral victory to a sophisticated propaganda effort masterminded by the Kremlin. This article synthesizes existing research on Russia’s domestic information controls, its internet policy at the global level (notably via internet governance processes), and the country’s resurgence as a major geopolitical player to argue that policymakers as well as the general public should consider these themes holistically, particularly as they formulate responses to what many see as the Russian threat to Western liberal democracy. Russia may have lost the Cold War, but it is now waging information warfare against the liberal democracies of Europe and North America in a sophisticated bid to win the next round. Russia does not view internet governance, cybersecurity, and media policy as separate domains. Rather, all the areas covered by those disciplines fall under “information security” for Russian foreign policy. The paper begins by tracing the history of information controls within what is now the Russian Federation before discussing the role of information and internet policy in Russian foreign policy, drawing connections between the Russian government’s control and manipulation of information—including its internet policy—in the domestic and international arenas. Next, it discusses the spread of networked authoritarianism and suggests that a “geopolitics of information” will become increasingly necessary in the coming years. Just as networked authoritarianism establishes strategic infrastructures to control the message domestically and intervene in global media systems, liberal democracies need to rethink media and communication infrastructures to ensure they foster pluralist, rights-respecting societies that are resilient to authoritarianism and extremism. In doing so, they should resist the temptation to respond to this threat in ways that will erode democracy even further, such as expanded surveillance and limits on free expression.
机译:在2016年美国大选之后,研究人员,政策制定者和一般公众都在为美国第45任总统很可能将他的选举胜利归功于克里姆林宫的精心宣传所做的努力而努力。本文综合了有关俄罗斯国内信息控制,其在全球范围内的互联网政策(特别是通过互联网治理流程)以及该国作为主要地缘政治参与者的复兴的现有研究,认为政策制定者和一般公众应从整体上考虑这些主题。尤其是在他们制定对许多人认为俄罗斯对西方自由民主的威胁的回应时。俄罗斯可能已经输掉了冷战,但是现在它正与欧洲和北美的自由民主国家展开信息战,以求赢得下一轮的明智之举。俄罗斯并不将互联网治理,网络安全和媒体政策视为单独的领域。相反,这些学科涵盖的所有领域都属于俄罗斯外交政策的“信息安全”范畴。本文首先追溯了当今俄罗斯联邦内信息控制的历史,然后讨论了信息和互联网政策在俄罗斯外交政策中的作用,并在俄罗斯政府的信息控制与操纵(包括其互联网政策)之间建立了联系。国内和国际舞台。接下来,它讨论了网络专制主义的传播,并建议在未来几年中,“信息地缘政治”将变得越来越必要。正如网络威权主义建立了战略基础设施来控制国内信息并干预全球媒体系统一样,自由民主国家也需要重新考虑媒体和通讯基础设施,以确保它们培育出能够抵抗威权主义和极端主义的多元化,尊重权利的社会。在这样做时,他们应抵制诱惑,以进一步削弱民主的方式应对这种威胁,例如扩大监督范围和限制言论自由。

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