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俄罗斯学刊

俄罗斯学刊

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Academic Journal of Russian Studies
《俄罗斯学刊》是经国家新闻出版总署批准、由黑龙江大学主管主办的、面向国内外公开出版发行的学术期刊，大16开，逢双月10日出版。《俄罗斯学刊》的办刊宗旨为：反映俄罗斯政治、经济、外交、历史、文化、法律等领域问题的研究成果，中俄关系全局性及区域性合作问题的研究成果。《俄罗斯学刊》将立足学术研究，主张创新理论思维，倡导在理性的氛围中开展批评与对话，热情扶持学术新人，倾力打造一流学术期刊，为广大专家学者研究探索俄罗斯问题构建一个良好的平台。
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  • 发文量：663
  • 被引量：179
  • H指数：1
  • 开始收录时间：2011(1)
  • CNKI综合因子：0.64
  • 维普期刊影响因子： 0.44
  • 万方期刊影响因子：0.58
  • 创刊时间：2011
  • 国内刊号/CN：23-1570/C
    国际刊号/ISSN：2095－1094
  • 发行周期：双月刊
    邮发代号：14-123
  • 主管单位：黑龙江大学
    主办单位：黑龙江大学
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  • 邮箱：hdelsxk@163.com
  • 地址：哈尔滨市南岗区学府路74号
  • 邮编：150080
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俄罗斯学刊 >2023年第5期

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  • 摘要：20世纪30年代初期，欧洲局势的变化使斯大林开始偏重于从地缘政治的角度重新定位苏联与资本主义大国的关系，试图加强苏法关系和建立苏法合作，防范和牵制德国未来可能进行的侵略扩张。1932年11月，法国和苏联签署互不侵犯条约。以后，在战争威胁增长的严峻形势下，苏联领导人确认集体安全是维护和确保本国安全的合适形式。1935年5月，苏法互助条约正式签订。但是，由于苏联同西方国家在意识形态和社会制度方面的矛盾和差异，他们无法成为欧洲集体安全的真正同道者。1938年9月《慕尼黑协定》后，苏联认定西方国家试图祸水东引。由于希特勒把最后的侵略目标指向英法的盟国波兰从而使苏联在慕尼黑会议后逐渐处于一种能够左右局势发展的极其有利的地位。1939年8月，苏联同德国签订苏德互不侵犯条约及其秘密附加议定书。这样，在欧洲即将爆发战争的紧要时刻，苏联从初始的集体安全转向最后的一国自保，完成祸水西推。斯大林做出这种选择的动机与苏联对外政策国家安全和世界革命的两大战略目标完全吻合。
  • 摘要：卫国战争爆发前，苏联境内的德意志族人并不是一个统一的群体，他们在自己所在地区经济中发挥着重要作用。卫国战争爆发后，由于苏联上层对德意志族人的不信任及德军进逼的紧张局势，苏联境内的德意志族人成了第一个遭到集体强迁的民族，之后又遭遇第二次迫害，被动员参加劳动军。卫国战争期间对德意志族的强迁严重伤害了其民族感情，造成了历史积怨，也造成了苏联经济上的损失。当然，卫国战争中苏联政府对德意志族人的强行迁移，也加速了苏联境内各个德意志族群体的接近与融合进程。%Before the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, the German people in the Soviet Union were not a uniformed group. They played an important role in their regional economy. After the War broke out, the Soviet authorities' distrust towards the German people and the tension of the German troop's advancement caused the Germans to become the first nation forced to migrate collectively within the Soviet Union. Afterwards, the Germans suffered another persecution and were mobilized to participate in the labor army. The Germans' forced migration during the Great Patriotic War seriously hurt their national pride, leading to historical grievances and economic losses for the Soviet Union. Of course, the migration also sped up the progress of all the German groups getting closer and integrating with each other.
  • 摘要：The concept of co-constructing “Silk Road Economic Belt” proposed by China gains continuous attention in Russian academic circles. Attitudes transform from query to cautious acceptance, and then to affirmation. Scholars in Russia proposed their comprehensions and opinions to the connotations of the “Silk Road Belt” from the perspective of history and language, conducted analysis and unscrambling to its intention from various aspects such as economic, diplomatic, geographic relationships, strategic and others. Combining the issues of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Euro-Asia Economic Union, influence of Central Asia and so forth, discussions were developed towards the new change that may be generated between China and Russia. In the meantime, Russian scholars highlighted evaluating the opportunity and challenge brought to their country. Grasping the interest, concern and appeal in relevant countries in a sufficient and timely manner will boost the concept of the “Silk Road Economic Belt”.%中国提出的共建“丝绸之路经济带”构想，在俄罗斯学界引发了持续关注，其态度经历了从质疑到谨慎接受再到肯定的转变。俄方学者对“丝路带”的内涵从历史和语言的角度提出了自己的理解和意见，对“丝路带”的意图从经济、外交、地缘、战略等多个方面进行了分析和解读，结合上合组织、欧亚经济联盟、中亚地区影响力等问题对由“丝路带”可能引发的中俄关系新变化展开了讨论，同时也着重评估了“丝路带”给俄罗斯带来的机遇和挑战。及时、充分把握相关国家的利益关切和诉求，将有助于“丝路带”构想的顺利推进。
  • 摘要：The vision of establishing Primorsky Krai Special Economic Zone is related to Russia's Far East policies and dependant on the country's financial and administrative capacity, and Moscow's assessment of resolving main regional issues and resources. The plan for establishing the Zone was raised more than 20 years ago, with a lack of successful examples so far. Currently, the greatest advantage for setting up the Zone lies in the fact that Russia has formed a multilayer management system for regional development that matches the powerful national administration and that the country has eliminated the main negative factors of the 1990s. However, the extent of national support depends more on whether any convincing successful examples can be created during the initial period after the establishment of the Special Economic Zone, with efforts to be made to adopt a unique approach for each project.%建立滨海边疆区经济特区的设想与国家一系列远东政策相关，取决于国家财政和行政能力以及莫斯科对其解决地区主要问题资源的评估。在滨海边疆区设立经济特区方案提出已有20多年，但至今没有成功的范例。目前具备滨海边疆区设立经济特区最为有利的条件是形成了与强大国家行政相匹配的地区发展多层管理体系，消除了20世纪90年代的主要消极因素。但是，国家的支持力度将更多取决于经济特区创建初期能否取得令人信服的成功范例，对每一项目应采取相应的独特处理方法。
  • 摘要：China plays a special role in the global confrontation between war and peace. While suppressing Russia, the United States also attempts to undermine Russia-China relations. To rival America, many favor a closer alliance between Russia and China. In respect of the history of the Russia-China relations and modern international relations, Russia and China have established a comprehensive strategic partnership, a relationship more important than an alliance.%中国在和平与战争力量的全球对抗中起着特殊作用，美国在压制俄罗斯的同时也企图削弱中国并试图割裂中俄两国关系。为了与之抗衡，不少人赞成俄中两国以更紧密的同盟方式接近。从俄中关系发展的历史来看，在现代国际关系视域下，俄中两国目前已经形成的全面战略协作伙伴关系其实比同盟关系更重要。
  • 摘要：After the Soviet Union declared war against Japan, the former captured hundreds of thousands of Japanese as prisoners of war, most of whom were sent to the places of the Soviet Union for labor. In late 1946, the Soviet Union began to repatriate Japan prisoners of war. By April 22, 1950, the vast majority of the prisoners were sent home, except a small number of convicted war criminals. During the period, the Soviet Union systematically arranged Japanese prisoners of war for labor, by setting up a special prisoner of war camp, labor groups, and a complete system of labor management. These prisoners were scattered to work in different industries across different regions of the Soviet Union, contributing to the post-war recovery of the Soviet economy and the implementation of the country's five-year plan.%苏联对日宣战后俘获了数十万日本战俘，并将其中大部分人送往苏联各地进行劳动利用。1946年底苏联开始遣返日本战俘，到1950年4月22日，除少量被判刑战犯外，绝大多数战俘被遣送回国。在此期间，苏联对日本战俘进行了系统的劳动利用，组建了专门的战俘营及劳动大队，建立了相对完善的劳动管理制度。日本战俘分布在苏各个地区及各个行业从事劳动，为战后苏联国民经济恢复和五年计划的实施做出了贡献。
  • 摘要：Since the Ukraine Crisis, the Russian economy is continuously turbulent, and even hangs by a thread under sanctions imposed by the U.S.A and European nations. In theoretical circles, opinions of the influence to the world by Russian turmoil vary, especially in terms of the change and developmental tendencies to the international energy market. For the sake of analyzing the characteristic of the new balance in world economy more precisely, clarifying the functions of U.S hegemony in it is required. Meanwhile combining the relationship among Ukraine crisis, Russian turmoil, US and European sanctions, it is necessary to make reasonable evaluation and judgment to the development tendency in future.%乌克兰危机爆发以来，俄罗斯经济持续动荡，在美欧联手多轮制裁下更是岌岌可危。在理论界，关于俄罗斯动荡对世界影响的讨论可谓众说纷纭，尤其关注国际能源市场的变化与发展趋势。为了更加清晰地分析世界经济新平衡的特征，需要厘清美国霸权在其中的作用，并结合乌克兰危机、俄罗斯动荡、美欧制裁之间的关系，对未来发展趋势做出合理评估与判断。
  • 摘要：In May 2015, Gorbachev Foundation held the roundtable conference to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the beginning of Gorbachev's perestroika. In this conference, the report drafted by an expert group invited by Gorbachev Foundation and Citizen Initiative Committee led by the former Finance Minister Kudrin in the name of“1985—2015:Values of perestroika in the context of contemporary Russia”(“Gorbachev–Kudrin Report”in brief) was presented. The report expounded the origin and results of Gorbachev's perestroika, summarized the experience and lessons of the perestroika, and analyzed the value and significance of the perestroika for current Russia. The report immediately aroused a heated debate about how to think of the Gorbachev's perestroika and if Russia needed the second perestroika. The issuance of this report showed that, although the process of democratization in Russia stayed in the dead state, the democrats of Russia did not give up their efforts. As Kudrin acted as one of the report initiators, it was proved that Gorbachev's perestroika did influence a whole generation and it especially fed a large amount of new politicians with democratic idea. Under the political pattern of strong ruling group of Putin and weak opposition, and in the special situation of tight relationship between Russia, America and Russia's surrounding countries, the prospect of the so-called perestroika 2.0 is very gloomy as the social foundation and support of popular will are lacked.%2015年5月，戈尔巴乔夫基金会举办了纪念戈尔巴乔夫改革开始30周年的圆桌会议。会上提出了由戈尔巴乔夫基金会和前财政部长库德林领导的公民倡议委员会所邀请的专家小组起草的报告，题为《1985—2015：当代俄罗斯背景下改革的价值》（简称戈尔巴乔夫—库德林报告）。报告论述了戈尔巴乔夫改革的缘起与结果，总结了改革的经验和教训，分析了改革对于当代俄罗斯的价值和意义。报告发表后立即在俄罗斯掀起了有关如何看待当年戈尔巴乔夫改革和俄罗斯是否需要第二次改革的激烈争论。报告的出台表明，虽然俄罗斯的民主化进程处于停滞状态，但是俄罗斯民主派并没有放弃自己的努力。库德林成为报告主导者之一证明，戈尔巴乔夫改革确实影响了整整一代人，特别是哺育了一大批具有民主理念的新一代政治家。在普京执政集团强大和反对派力量弱势的政治格局下，在乌克兰危机造成俄罗斯与美国等西方国家和周边国家关系紧张的特殊形势下，由于缺乏社会基础和民意支持，实施所谓的改革2.0版的前景是非常暗淡的。
  • 摘要：In August of 1939, Germany and the Soviet Union signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which lead two hostile countries turning into friendly states overnight. With the change of diplomatic relations, the Soviet Union propaganda changed its attitudes and standpoints to Germany. A series of new measures had been adopted, such as eliminating all anti-fascist works, conducting cultural exchange with Germany, advocating referring to the publicity experiences in UK, Germany and other countries. To sum up, publicizing re-building the German image by the Soviet Union during 1939-1941, came down to a political approach adopted by the Soviet Union for ensuring its diplomatic policies under smooth implementation. Although unexpected and immoral aspects existed, starting from the historical background at that time, the Soviet Union could be blamed for its newly adopted policy and a change of propaganda strategy towards Germany in order to coordinate with the government, which was also necessary and reflecting the flexibility of the Soviet Union propaganda.%1939年8月苏德之间签订《苏德互不侵犯条约》，原本敌对的两个国家一夜之间便成为友国。随着外交关系的变化，苏联宣传界对待德国的态度和立场发生了相应变化，苏联对有关德国的宣传采取了一系列新的措施：清除一切反法西斯性质的作品，同德国进行文化交流，倡导借鉴英德等国的宣传经验，等等。总之，1939—1941年苏联宣传对德国形象的重塑，归根结底是苏联为保障其外交政策顺利实施而采取的一种政治手段，尽管存在突兀和不道义的方面，但从当时的历史背景条件出发，苏联宣传界为配合政府采取的对德关系新政策而改变对德国的宣传策略是无可厚非的，也是必要的，体现出苏联宣传的灵活性。
  • 摘要：The special geographical features of Central Asia determine that the inf l u ence of strong extraterritorial power center plays a vital role for the political and economic development directions in this region. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, America and Russia have always been the two strategic forces posing great influence to the Central Asia. With the changes of overall international circumstance and the surrounding situation, the policies of America and Russia on Central Asia are also adjusted actively or passively.%中亚地区所具有的特殊地缘特性，决定了域外强大权力中心影响力对这一地区政治、经济发展方向影响的至关重要作用。苏联解体后，美国和俄罗斯一直是对中亚地区产生重大影响的两大战略力量。随着国际大环境和地区周边形势的变化，美俄对中亚地区采取的政策也在发生主动或被动的调整。
  • 摘要：一、总体经济形势 2014年的总结证明俄远东联邦区经济形势虽然复杂但是并不危急。地缘政治局势的尖锐化和经济制裁的强化，使财政预算的主要供血者——石油天然气部门和高技术部门（包括国防部门）首当其冲，无疑对俄罗斯经济（远东也不例外）的增长速度产生了影响。然而2014年年中才实行的制裁，
  • 摘要：中俄新型大国关系是建立在全面战略协作伙伴关系上的全方位的合作关系。其构建符合和平、发展、合作、共赢的时代要求，契合中俄各自的战略利益，亦受到美国等大国因素的影响。在构建中俄新型大国关系的外交实践中，两国在全面战略协作伙伴关系框架下进行了政治、经济、人文、军事等多领域的合作；通过上合组织、金砖国家、20国集团等网状伙伴外交平台开展良性互动；在叙利亚危机、克里米亚问题等热点敏感问题上进行了有效的战略策应。为实现中俄新型大国关系可持续性发展，需要加强两国间人文交流，发展两国传统友谊；消除两国关系中的不和谐音，管控矛盾分歧；提高务实合作，加大“一带一路”战略与俄罗斯欧亚战略的对接。形成能够彼此兼容，成熟而稳定的战略框架，是中俄两国新型大国关系努力的方向。%The new pattern of relationship between China and Russia is the all-around cooperation relationship established on the basis of comprehensive strategic partnership. Its establishment conforms to the requirements of the times for peace, development, cooperation and win-win, accords with the strategic interests of both China and Russia, and is also affected by factors of large powers such as America. During the diplomatic practice to construct new pattern of relationship between China and Russia as great powers, the two countries make cooperation in politics, economy, humanities, military and other fields under the structure of comprehensive strategic partnership, conduct benign interaction through web partnership diplomatic platforms such as SCO, BRICCS and G20, and make effective strategic alignment in hot and sensitive issues including Syria Crisis and Crimea Problem, etc. To achieve continuous development in the new pattern of relationship between China and Russia, the humanistic communication between the two countries should be strengthened and their traditional friendship should be developed; the dissonance in their relationship should be removed and conflicts and contradictions should be controlled;pragmatic cooperation should be enhanced, and the butt joint between“One Belt One Road”strategy and the Eurasian Strategy of Russia should be strengthened. To form the mutually compatible, mature and stable strategic structure is the direction for the new pattern of relationship between China and Russia.
  • 摘要：The scale of economic cooperation between Central Asian countries and China is not large, but its position in the foreign policy of China is high. With the point-axis theory as the basis and adhering to the five principles of “Observance of Tenets and Principles of the United Nations Charter, Openness and Cooperation, Harmony and Understanding, Market Operation, Mutual Benefit and Win-win Result”, the“Silk Road Economic Belt”creates a community of density and interests together with Central Asian countries through joint discussion, joint development and win-win. Currently, the promotion of “Silk Road Economic Belt” in China is benefited from such opportunities as expanded strength of China, smooth development of SCO and much strategic consensus among various countries, but also faced with such challenges as bottleneck in infrastructure, lack of bulk trade support, uncertain political risks, competition among great powers and resource constraint, etc.%中亚国家与中国的经济合作规模并不大，但其在中国对外政策中的地位很高。“丝绸之路经济带”以点轴理论为基础，坚持“恪守联合国宪章的宗旨和原则、开放合作、和谐包容、市场运作、互利共赢”五项原则，通过共商、共建和共赢，与中亚国家打造命运共同体和利益共同体。当前，在中亚推进“丝绸之路经济带”具有中国实力增长、上海合作组织发展顺利、各国发展战略共识多等机遇，也面临基础设施瓶颈、缺乏大宗贸易支撑、政治风险不确定、大国竞争、资源约束等挑战。
  • 摘要：“帝国”是研究俄罗斯的经典视角，而多米尼克·列文的研究则是研究领域对于帝国视角最为清晰的阐述。他通过对俄罗斯以及其他传统帝国历史的研究和比较，建立了别具一格的帝国理论，并据此成功预言了苏联的命运。他将俄罗斯从罗曼诺夫王朝以来的历史视为一个不可分割的整体，苏联的建立和瓦解都是俄罗斯在面对现代帝国的困境时所做出的选择和必然的结果。作为欧洲边缘“第二世界”的代表，俄罗斯始终在学习欧洲和对抗欧洲的历史循环中反复纠缠，告别帝国历史是俄罗斯最好的选择。列文试图建立一种具有普遍意义的帝国理论，尽管这个目标尚未完成，但仍然具有重要的研究和学习意义。%“Imperialism”is a classic perspective in the study of Russia, while the study of Dominic Lieven is the clearest elaboration to the perspective of imperialism in the field of research. He established the unique imperialism theory through comparison of history of Russia and those of other traditional empires, and therefore successfully predicted the destiny of the Soviet Union. He considered the history of Russia from Romanov dynasty as an indivisible entirety and thought that the establishment and collapse of the Soviet Union were both the selection made in face of the plight of modern imperialism and the inevitable result of the selection. As the representative of“the second world”at the margin of Europe, Russia is always in a tangle in the historical recurrence of learning Europe and combating Europe, so it is the best choice for Russia to say goodbye to the history of imperialism. Lieven tries to establish an imperialism theory in universal meaning. Although this objective has not been achieved, it still has the important significance for research and learning.
  • 摘要：At the same time of fruitful results in the cooperation between China and Russia, objectively speaking, there are also some problems needing the high concern. The feature of China-Russia cooperation is that its implementation is promoted by the government and the policy orientation is obvious. At the same time, Russia still holds the defensive psychology to China and the strategic mutual trust of the two countries needs to be elevated to the higher level. The concern in Chinese academic circle on the risk control in cooperation between the two countries is not much, so that some conflicts of interests are neglected, the principle of equality can not be implemented, and some passive conditions are aroused. In the future, China needs to improve the quality of export products and attach great importance to the safety in cooperation.%中国与俄罗斯在各方面合作取得丰富成果的同时，客观上也存在一些问题，需要引起高度关注。中俄合作的特点是依靠政府推动实施，政策性特征明显。同时，俄罗斯对中国仍然存在防范心理，两国战略互信有待提到更高水平。中国学界对于两国合作中的风险防控关注并不多，导致一些利益冲突被忽视，对等原则无法贯彻，引起一些较为被动的情况。未来，中国需要提高出口产品质量，高度重视合作中的安全问题。
  • 摘要：依据政治领域任务，1988年以后的匈牙利历史可划分为剧变、转型、后转型三个阶段①。1988年至今，匈牙利执政者掌控1956年集体记忆的机制由三个环节构成：颁布官方文件颠覆事件旧定性，塑造事件新定性的集体记忆；移除旧记忆载体，删除旧的集体记忆，拓展历史记忆载体，强化、固化新的集体记忆；举办大型纪念活动，使关于事件的集体记忆演化为定向的社会情绪，为当局执政方针服务。匈牙利执政者通过上述掌控机制，塑造了与不同发展阶段政治目标相适应的集体记忆，对推动剧变、转型、后转型阶段政治进程产生了重要的影响。%According to the tasks in political field, the history of Hungary after 1988 is divided into three stages, i.e. upheaval, transition and post transition. Since 1988, the mechanism of Hungarian rulers to control 1956 collective memory is composed of three steps:to issue official documents to subvert the former nature of the event, to create the collective memory for new nature of the event; to remove the carriers of old memory, delete old collective memory, expand the carriers of historical memory, strengthen and solidify new collective memory; hold large commemorative activities to make the collection memory about the event evolve into the directed social emotion and serve for the ruling policy of the authority. Through the these control mechanism, the rulers of Hungary created the collective memory matched with the political objects in different development stages, imposing important influence to the promotion of political process including upheaval, transition and post transition.
  • 摘要：In most of the period after China-Russia strategic partnership is established, diplomatic support should be the major field in bilateral strategic coordination. Diplomatic support is mainly reflected in two aspects: maintain the good surrounding and international safety environment together and establish the new international political and economic order; support the efforts of two sides to maintain the national integrity and territorial integrity. Taking the year of 2014 when China and Russia started strategic cooperation in natural gas and expanded economic and military technology cooperation as well as the subsequent promotion of "Silk Road" economic belt con-construction as the mark, the China-Russia strategic partnership has entered into the joint development period. The basic connotation of joint development lies in that: on the basis of maintaining the existing high-level diplomatic support, China and Russia will make butt joint cooperation in their economic and social development strategies and regional integration strategies, fully dig out the potential for their cooperation, and thus achieve the objective of joint development.%在中俄战略协作伙伴关系建立以来的绝大部分时期,外交策应是双方战略协作的主要领域.外交策应主要表现在两个方面:共同维护良好的周边和国际安全环境,致力于建立国际政治经济新秩序;支持对方维护国家主权与领土完整的努力.以2014年中俄两国启动天然气战略合作、扩大经济和军技合作以及随后推动的共建"丝绸之路"经济带合作为标志,中俄战略协作伙伴关系进入共同发展时期.共同发展的基本内涵在于:在保持既有的高水平外交策应的基础上,中俄两国将各自经济社会发展战略和区域一体化战略进行对接合作,充分发掘双方合作潜力,以实现共同发展目标.
  • 摘要：在新的国际形势下,上海合作组织在安全、经济等领域面临新的挑战和威胁.根据2015年7月上合组织乌法峰会通过的《上海合作组织至2025年发展战略》,成员国将继续把加强地区安全、开展经济贸易和人文领域合作作为上合组织的主要发展方向,同时将本着开放原则吸纳新成员.但是,上合组织不应把打造"欧亚非西方集团"作为自己的首要任务.中亚地区的安全与发展仍应是上合组织工作的重点.%Under the new international situation, Shanghai Cooperation Organization is faced with new challenges and threats in such fields as safety and economy. According to the Development Strategy of SCO until 2025 approved by SCO in Ufa Summit in July 2015, the member states will continue to take the strengthening of regional safety, launch of economic trade and cooperation in humanistic field as the major development directions of SCO, and will absorb new members in the open principle. However, SCO should not take the construction of "Eurasian Non-western Group" as its primary task. The safety and development of Central Asia region are still the emphasis of the work of SCO.
  • 摘要：在1944年,苏联政府将车臣等民族从高加索地区流放到中亚,1958年前后,赫鲁晓夫政府又为其平反,被流放民族从中亚返回高加索.斯大林意欲将其永远流放,而赫鲁晓夫出于种种考虑,为相关民族平反.而无论是流放还是平反,都是大规模的人口流动,都影响了流放地和迁出地的族际政治局势,威胁到当地的社会—政治稳定和族际关系,与苏联解体存在某种关联.流放和平反这两个双向的进程不能实现充分对冲,不能令苏联(俄罗斯)的族际政治生态回到原点.%In 1944, the government of Soviet Russia exiled Chechnya and other ethnicities to Central Asia from Caucasia area. Around 1958, Khrushchev government rehabilitated them and made the exiled ethnicities to Caucasia. Stalin intended to exile them for good, but Khrushchev rehabilitated them out of various considerations. Yet, exile and rehabilitation, both belonging to large scale population movements, influenced the inter-ethnic political situations in the place of exile and place of origin and threatened the local social-political stability and inter-ethnic relationships, thus relevant with the collapse of the Soviet Union to some extent. Exile and rehabilitation, the two reverse processes, cannot achieve full hedging and cannot make the inter-ethnic political ecology of Soviet (Russia) back to the original point.
  • 摘要：After the transformation, the middle and eastern European countries experienced transformation crisis in the early 1990s; after 2004, they were trapped into the crisis caused by the entry into EU; then after 2008, there was the economic crisis resulted from the sovereign debt crisis in Euro zone, so that they deviate the mainstream development in Europe and the "recession" of democratization becomes the new trend. The triple crises reflect the problems of the middle and eastern European countries occurring in the social-economic region, social-political region and social-cultural region. However, they may be the "creative crises" which may bring a better future.%自转型以来,中东欧国家在20世纪90年代初期经历了转型危机, 2004年之后陷入了加入欧盟后危机,2008年之后又经历了欧元区主权债务危机引发的经济危机,出现了背离欧洲发展主流的现象,民主化的"回落"成为新趋势.三重危机反映了中东欧国家在社会经济领域、社会政治领域和社会文化领域中发生的问题.但三重危机或许也是能够带来更好未来的"创造性危机".
  • 摘要：近年来,东亚和东南亚国家以过境运输方式出口到欧洲的商品数量逐年增加,过境哈萨克斯坦至欧洲的运输量已经超过过境俄罗斯东西伯利亚和远东至欧洲的运输量总和.当前中国正大力推进"丝绸之路经济带"倡议,寻求对欧运输路线多样化.从现阶段来看,经由俄罗斯东部地区和哈萨克斯坦的运输走廊暂未直接构成竞争,因为服务的对象不同,而且与海运相比,两条运输走廊的货运量微不足道.由于中国是亚洲至欧洲过境运输的主要发货国,在丝绸之路经济带框架内,中亚国家和中国西部省份将首先从跨大陆过境运输中获益,而俄罗斯东部地区和中国东北部省份将受到忽视.后者的目标应该是实现交通运输系统现代化,打造全新的运输体系,完善现有管理模式.%In recent years, east Asian and southeast Asian countries export more and more cargoes to Europe in the method of transit transport, and the transport quantity passing through Kazakhstan to Europe has surpassed the sum total of that passing through Russia East Siberia and that passing through the Far East to Europe. Currently, China is vigorously carrying forward the proposal of "Silk Road Economic Belt", seeking for the diversification in transport paths to Europe. Seeing from the current stage, the transportation corridors through the east area of Russia and Kazakhstan temporarily do not form competition directly, because the service targets are different and the volumes of cargos transported of the two transportation corridors are insignificant compared to the maritime transportation. As China is the major country of dispatch in the transit transport from Asia to Europe, in the framework of Silk Road Economic Belt, the central Asian countries and western provinces in the west of China will first benefit from the cross-continent transit transport, while the east area of Russia and the Northeast China will both be neglected. The latter areas should aim to achieve the modernization of transportation system, create brand new transportation system and perfect the existing management model.
  • 摘要：近年来,俄罗斯国内对金砖国家合作机制的研究在政府的倡导下蓬勃开展,取得了一系列科研成果,为俄罗斯政府制定对外政策提供了建议和思路。俄罗斯学者围绕金砖国家未来发展进程和建制问题提出了不同观点,这些观点体现了他们对国家利益和国际合作的不同立场。
  • 摘要：＂1989年＂的重要性怎么评价都不为过。最具比较含义的是,美国巴特勒大学教授大卫·梅森（David S.Mason）认为这年等同于＂1789年＂1。的确,1989年东欧政局剧变及随后发生的大转型,对重新认识人类社会发展规律和重塑欧洲大陆乃至世界的地缘政治格局具有极其重要的意义。因此,1989年也是整个欧洲大陆历史的转折点2。
  • 摘要：赵常庆教授20世纪70—80年代在中共中央对外联络部工作期间,主要从事苏联国内政治问题研究。那时,赵常庆教授就开始关注位于中亚地区的苏联五个加盟共和国的民族、宗教问题和地缘政治问题。苏联解体后,赵教授先后任中国社会科学院俄罗斯东欧中亚研究所中亚研究室首任主任和中亚学科博士生导师、国务院发展研究中心欧亚社会发展研究所副所长兼中亚研究室主任。
  • 摘要：In recent years, the Internet of Russia develops rapidly and the quantity of netizens surges, so that the e-commerce enjoys a prosperous development and the scale of market is expanded. Especially after the economic crisis of Russia, the practical income of residents decrease and the improved sensitivity to price increases the enthusiasm of residents to online shopping. Currently, the tendency of e-commerce market is that the overall demand is not reduced but the increase speed is slowed down. From the medium and long terms, along with the constant improvement of electronic payment system and construction of distribution logistics network, this market still has large increase space and development potential.%近年来,俄罗斯互联网发展迅速,网民数量激增,电子商务蓬勃发展,市场规模不断扩大.特别是俄罗斯经济危机以来,居民实际收入下降,对价格敏感度的提升加大了居民网购的热情.目前电子商务市场的趋势为,总体需求未减,但增速放缓.从中长期来看,随着电子支付系统和配送物流网络建设的不断完善,该市场依旧具有较大的增长空间和发展潜力.
  • 摘要：继《俄美博弈的国内政治分析》（2011年,与刘军等合著）、《亚欧中心地带：俄美欧博弈与中国战略研究》（2013年）两本专著之后,教育部区域与国别研究基地——北京师范大学俄罗斯中心学术委员会主任、亚欧研究中心主任李兴教授新近又推出一部力作《欧亚一体化进程中的俄罗斯与中国：合作还是竞争？》
  • 摘要：在抗日战争中,苏联向中国提供了巨大援助,但是其间两国关系中也发生了不愉快的事.第二次世界大战已过去70年了, 现在回忆历史,不仅仅是为了"不忘记过去",更重要的是从历史经验和教训中寻找启示,从而为做好今天的事增添智慧.%During the Anti-Japanese War, Soviet Union offered tremendous aid to China, but some unpleasant events also occurred in the bilateral relationship. It has been 70 years since the outbreak of the Second World War. Looking back the history, we should not only "remember the history", but, more importantly, should seek for enlightenments from the historical experience and lessons, thus adding wisdom to the work today.
  • 摘要：欧亚联盟战略是俄罗斯复兴的一个战略构想,在这个战略中,乌克兰是一个重要组成部分.但乌克兰危机改变了这一局势,并且危机中暴露出来的各种矛盾也影响到欧亚联盟的稳定性.2015年初,欧亚经济联盟已经正式成立,乌克兰也签署了欧盟联系国协定的经济部分,乌克兰与欧亚联盟的距离已经越来越远.从俄罗斯的战略选择看,无论乌克兰是否加入,欧亚联盟战略都将向前推进.%Eurasian Union strategy is a strategic conception of Russia's rise and Ukraine is an important constituent part within it. However, Ukraine crisis changes the situation, and the various conflicts exposed in the crisis also affected the stability of Eurasian Union. In the beginning of 2015, Eurasian Economic Union has been formally established, and Ukraine also signed the economic part in Association Agreement of EU, so that the distance between Ukraine and Eurasian Union became farther and farther. Considering form the strategic selection of Russia, no matter Ukraine joins in or not, the Eurasian Union strategy will also push forward.
  • 摘要：2014年底,俄罗斯出台《俄罗斯社会经济超前发展区联邦法》,目的是建立良好的投资环境,实现社会经济加速发展,创造宜居条件.规定了建设基础设施的资金保障、管理及市政监管、海关监管等方法.为配合该法,俄政府对联邦税法等相关法律进行了修订.%In the end of 2014, Russia issued Federal Acts of Russian Social and Economic Advancing Development Zone, aiming to establish good investment environment, accelerate the social and economic development and create favorable living conditions. The methods such as capital guarantee and management for infrastructure construction as well as municipal administration supervision and customs supervision, etc. are regulated. To cooperate with this Act, the Russian government made some revisions to the Federation Tax Law and relevant laws.

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