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首页> 外文期刊>A+BE : Architecture and the Built Environment >Polycentricity, Performance and Planning: Concepts, Evidence and Policy in Barcelona, Catalonia
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Polycentricity, Performance and Planning: Concepts, Evidence and Policy in Barcelona, Catalonia

机译:多中心性,绩效和计划:加泰罗尼亚巴塞罗那的概念,证据和政策

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摘要

Problem statement More than half of the world’s population currently lives in urban settlements, a proportion that is expected to increase to more than 65 percent by 2050 (UN, 2014). The larger agglomerations are a complex spatial configuration of places and flows that are polycentric by nature, or at least they demonstrate a certain development of a multi-center structure. Recently, the focus on agglomerations’ polycentric structure has attracted a great deal of attention from both researchers and policymakers, who must manage the economic, social, and environmental challenges that the population of these metropolitan agglomerations will experience in the coming decades. In research, a considerable portion of the study of polycentric agglomerations has focused on the conceptualization of polycentricity and the empirical analysis of its economic, social, and environmental dis(advantages). Although academics have made a strong effort both to clarify the concept of polycentricity and to empirically explore its dis(advantages)—see, e.g., the special issues of journals such as European Planning Studies (1998; 2015), Urban Studies (2001) and Regional Studies (2014)—two major issues remain in the literature. First, various approaches to polycentricity co-exist without a high level of integration. One approach refers to polycentricity on the intra-urban (Davoudi, 2003) or intra-metropolitan scale (Brezzi and Veneri, 2015; Limtanakool, 2006), whereas another refers to polycentricity on the inter-urban (Davoudi, 2003) or regional scale (Brezzi and Veneri, 2015; Veneri and Burgalassi, 2012). Moreover, when these approaches are integrated, they are often conflated, at least to an extent (Van Meeteren et al., 2015). Second, empirical examinations of the economic, social and environmental advantages of polycentricity have not yet led to conclusive findings (see, e.g., Burger, 2011; Lee, 2006a; Meijers, 2007a). In the policy realm, polycentric development appears to be the main hallmark of spatial plans for metropolitan areas worldwide. Indeed, more than 75 percent of recent spatial plans developed for large metropolitan areas in OECD countries consider polycentric development as the best strategy for managing urban development. Some of the key policy objectives that polycentric development is expected to fulfill include offering an economical, efficient transportation system and a sustainable environment, along with extending access to education, jobs, amenities, and decent housing to a large number of people. Policy experts’ current interest in polycentricity is rooted in the early 1990s, when after two decades of focusing on local urban development projects and land-use regulations, planning practice refocused its attention on producing strategic frameworks and visions for territorial development in cities and metropolitan regions, strongly emphasizing their relationship with sustainable development (Albrechts et al., 2003). Polycentric development therefore re-entered planning practice as a bridging concept between sustainable development (broadly interpreted as fulfilling economic, social, and environmental objectives) and territorial development. However, the understanding of polycentric development in current planning policies appears largely disconnected from the ongoing polycentricity debate in research. This lack of connection between the understanding of polycentricity in research (evidence) and in policy (spatial plans) becomes apparent when considering the issue of how polycentric development can be conceptualized in spatial plans and how the assumed benefits of polycentricity can be realized in planning practice. This issue is of great importance to facilitating a more evidence-informed planning in which polycentricity appears as a bridge-building tool between research (evidence) and policy (spatial plans) with the aim of improving the feasibility and effectiveness of spatial plans’ economic, social, and environmental objectives. It is necessary to conduct a further exploration of the three aforementioned major issues related to (1) the conceptualization of polycentricity, (2) the empirical analysis of the dis(advantages) of polycentricity, and (3) how to interpret the relationship between polycentricity in research and polycentricity in policy. That is the key motivation for this thesis: to link the knowledge of polycentric constellations and their economic, social, and environmental effects to planning practice and policy in metropolitan areas. General aims and questions The overarching research goal of this dissertation is to contribute to the debate on polycentricity in the three interrelated issues mentioned above. First, it aims to renew the conceptualization of polycentricity by bringing together two distinct literatures, namely, the literature on intra-urban polycentricity and the literature on inter-urban polycentricity. Second, it aims to empirically substantiate the relationship between polycent
机译:问题陈述目前,全球一半以上的人口居住在城市居民区,到2050年,这一比例预计将增加到65%以上(联合国,2014年)。较大的集聚区是自然而然是多中心的地方和流的复杂空间配置,或者至少它们表现出多中心结构的某种发展。近来,对城市群的多中心结构的关注引起了研究人员和政策制定者的极大关注,他们必须应对未来几十年这些大城市群人口将经历的经济,社会和环境挑战。在研究中,多中心集聚研究的相当一部分集中在多中心性的概念化及其对经济,社会和环境弊端的实证分析。尽管学者们都在努力澄清多中心性概念并从经验上探索其多方面性(缺点),例如,参见《欧洲计划研究》(1998年; 2015年),《城市研究》(2001年)和《区域研究(2014年)—文献中仍然存在两个主要问题。首先,在没有高度集成的情况下,存在多种实现多中心性的方法。一种方法是指城市内部(Davoudi,2003年)或都市内规模(Brezzi和Veneri,2015年; Limtanakool,2006年)的多中心性,而另一种方法是指城市间(Davoudi,2003年)或区域性规模的多中心性。 (Brezzi和Veneri,2015; Veneri和Burgalassi,2012)。此外,将这些方法整合后,通常至少在一定程度上将它们混为一谈(Van Meeteren等,2015)。第二,对多中心经济,社会和环境优势的实证检验尚未得出结论性的结论(参见例如Burger,2011; Lee,2006a; Meijers,2007a)。在政策领域中,多中心发展似乎是全球都市圈空间规划的主要标志。的确,在经合组织国家大都市地区近期制定的空间计划中,超过75%的企业将多中心发展视为管理城市发展的最佳策略。多中心发展有望实现的一些关键政策目标包括提供经济,有效的交通运输系统和可持续的环境,以及将教育,工作,便利设施和体面住房的普及范围扩大到许多人。政策专家当前对多中心性的兴趣扎根于1990年代初,当时在专注于当地城市发展项目和土地使用法规的二十年后,规划实践将其注意力重新集中于为城市和大都市地区的领土发展制定战略框架和愿景,强烈强调它们与可持续发展的关系(Albrechts等,2003)。因此,多中心发展重新进入了规划实践,将其作为可持续发展(广泛地解释为实现经济,社会和环境目标)与领土发展之间的桥梁概念。但是,当前规划政策中对多中心发展的理解似乎与正在进行的研究中的多中心性辩论大相径庭。当考虑如何在空间计划中将多中心发展概念化以及如何在规划实践中实现多中心的假定收益这一问题时,在研究(证据)和政策(空间计划)中对多中心性的理解之间缺乏联系变得显而易见。 。这个问题对于促进以证据为依据的规划非常重要,在该规划中,多中心性是研究(证据)和政策(空间计划)之间架桥的工具,目的是提高空间计划的经济可行性和有效性,社会和环境目标。有必要对上述三个与(1)多中心性的概念化,(2)多中心性的弊端的经验分析以及(3)如何解释多中心性之间的关系有关的主要问题进行进一步的探索。在研究方面和政策上的多中心性。这就是本论文的主要动机:将多中心星座的知识及其经济,社会和环境影响与都市地区的规划实践和政策联系起来。总体目标和问题本论文的总体研究目标是为上述三个相互关联的问题中关于多中心性的辩论做出贡献。首先,它旨在通过汇集两个不同的文献,即关于城市内部多中心性的文献和关于城市间多中心性的文献,来更新多中心性的概念。其次,其目的是通过实证证实多元醇之间的关系。

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