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House Rules: Institutional Choice and United States Trade Negotiations

机译:众议院规则:制度选择与美国贸易谈判

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摘要

International bargaining depends not only on the negotiators but also on the domestic political system in which they find themselves. Knowing this, countries often change domestic political institutions to influence the outcomes of international negotiations and/or to shape the domestic distributional consequences of those negotiations. This institutional change generally occurs in an already-rich institutional environment, where many different actors must jointly agree to modify existing institutions. To examine these, this paper develops a thirteen-actor model of U. S. trade policy institutions over the past century. Whereas the existing literature emphasizes the role of the median legislator in delegating to or constraining the executive, I find that changes in nonmedian procedural actors drive institutional reform in trade policy. Some of these procedural actors do hot have veto authority and yet they play decisive roles, taking this analysis beyond veto player theory. The president can sometimes present these procedural actors with a choice that they can only make in a way favorable to him. As a result, small changes in the relative preferences of different nonmedian actors, such as the House Rules Committee or the key filibuster member of the Senate, can lead to large policy or institutional changes. These make a big difference in bargaining outcomes involving the United States and dramatically restrict the bargaining leeway enjoyed by negotiators.
机译:国际谈判不仅取决于谈判者,还取决于他们所处的国内政治制度。认识到这一点,各国经常改变国内政治体制,以影响国际谈判的结果和/或塑造这些谈判的国内分配后果。这种制度上的变化通常发生在已经很丰富的制度环境中,在这种环境中,许多不同的参与者必须共同同意修改现有制度。为了检验这些问题,本文建立了过去一个世纪美国贸易政策机构的十三位参与者模型。尽管现有文献强调中位立法者在委派或约束行政人员方面的作用,但我发现非中性程序参与者的变化推动了贸易政策的制度改革。这些程序参与者中有一些确实很热烈地拥有否决权,但他们起着决定性作用,使这种分析超出了否决者理论。总统有时可以给这些程序参与者以他们只能以对他有利的方式做出的选择。结果,众议院规则委员会或参议院关键平庸成员等不同非中层参与者相对偏好的微小变化,可能导致政策或体制发生较大变化。这些在涉及美国的讨价还价结果上有很大的不同,并极大地限制了谈判者享有的讨价还价余地。

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