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The Cronin Controversy

机译:克罗宁之争

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Cronin's excellent discussion of sexual selection seems to confirm her view that the present can illuminate the past. But if historians of science have a special dispensation to write this kind of 'whig history' it is because science often results in a stable consensus view. Where this consensus is absent, a triumphalist history is inappropriate. There is no consensus that the future of biology lies in rejecting group selection in favour of gene selection and reinforcing ahistorical adaptationism with ever more ingenious speculations. One explanation for Cronin's belief that there is such a consensus is that she has worked mainly with a school of population biologists who hold these beliefs. Perhaps population biologists are more likely than most to believe that progress in biology will come through understanding adaptation by a priori modeling work in population genetics and games theory. That, after all, is what they are trained to do. Paleontologists and sys-tematists, who are professionally oriented toward the contingent, historical nature of evolutionary change, may develop different instincts. But I have done no surveys to support this generalization, and no doubt population biologists outside the Oxford school will dispute it warmly. The same sociological accident might explain the extraordinary fact that there is no mention of cladistics in the book. If there was any movement in biology in the 1970s that merited the name of a scientific revolution, it was the victory of the followers of Hennig in systematics. The progress of the cladists from a tiny initial core of heretics to the dominant school was documented in David Hull's Science as a Process. The cladists insisted that the traditions of classifying animals on the basis of what evolutionary grade they had reached, or how similar they were to one another, were essentially un-Darwinian. They insisted that the sole aim of systematics was to construct a 'tree of life' representing the separation of species as evolutionary units. The cladists developed a set of mathematical techniques for the reconstruction of evolutionary relationships which, in the form of computer programs, are now part of most biologists' daily lives. Indeed, for many biologists the most important thing about DNA is that it gives abundant data for these programs. The history of cladism might have suited Cronin's 'whig' methodology very well. Darwin knew that his theory required a new interpretation of biological classification. The search for eternal types would have to be replaced by a search for the branching pattern produced by speciation (and illustrated in the sole figure in the Origin ...). But it took a long time for the lesson to sink in. Cladists are fond of quoting Darwin's remark that if his ideas were accepted 'we can dimly foresee that there will be a considerable revolution in natural history' ([1859], p. 484) in which 'our classifications will come to be, as far as they can be made, genealogies' ([1859], p. 486). they take themselves to have finally accomplished what he foresaw.
机译:克罗宁(Cronin)对性选择的精彩讨论似乎证实了她的观点,即现在可以照亮过去。但是,如果科学史学家有特殊的经验来写这种“鞭子史”,那是因为科学常常会产生稳定的共识观点。在缺乏共识的情况下,胜利的历史是不合适的。没有共识,生物学的未来在于拒绝群体选择,而倾向于基因选择,并以越来越巧妙的推测来加强历史适应主义。克罗宁(Cronin)相信已经达成共识的一种解释是,她主要是与一群拥有这些信念的人口生物学家合作的。也许人口生物学家比大多数人更相信生物学的进步将通过对人口遗传学和博弈论的先验建模工作的了解来适应。毕竟,这就是他们受训要做的事情。专门针对进化变化的偶然性,历史性的古生物学家和系统主义者可能会发展出不同的本能。但是我没有进行任何调查来支持这种概括,而且牛津学校以外的人口生物学家无疑会对此表示热烈的质疑。同一起社会学事故可能解释了一个非同寻常的事实,即本书中没有提及分类法。如果说1970年代发生的任何生物学运动值得称赞科学革命,那是Hennig的追随者在系统学上的胜利。戴维·赫尔(David Hull)的《科学过程》(Science as a Process)记录了编舞家从微小的异端邪说到主流学派的进步。进化论者坚持认为,根据动物达到的进化等级或彼此相似的程度对动物进行分类的传统实质上是非达尔文式的。他们坚持认为,系统学的唯一目的是构建代表物种分离的“生命之树”作为进化单位。进化论者开发了一套用于重建进化关系的数学技术,这些技术以计算机程序的形式现已成为大多数生物学家日常生活的一部分。确实,对于许多生物学家而言,DNA最重要的事情是它为这些程序提供了丰富的数据。集体主义的历史可能非常适合克罗宁的“鞭子”方法。达尔文知道他的理论需要对生物学分类进行新的解释。对永恒类型的搜索将必须由对物种形成的分支模式的搜索代替(并在Origin ...的唯一图中进行了说明)。但是,这节课花了很长时间。克拉德主义者喜欢引用达尔文的话说,如果达尔文的观点被接受,“我们可以模糊地预见到自然历史上将会有相当大的革命”([1859],第484页) ),其中“我们的分类将尽可能地成为家谱”([1859],第486页)。他们以自己终于完成了他所预见的为目标。

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