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The Political Costs of Crisis Bargaining: Presidential Rhetoric and the Role of Party

机译:危机谈判的政治代价:总统的修辞和政党的作用

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摘要

We analyze the first large-scale, randomized experiment to measure presidential approval levels at all outcomes of a canonical international crisis-bargaining model, thereby avoiding problems of strategic selection in evaluating presidential incentives. We find support for several assumptions made in the crisis-bargaining literature, including that a concession from a foreign state leads to higher approval levels than other outcomes, that the magnitudes of audience costs are under presidential control prior to the initiation of hostilities, and that these costs can be made so large that presidents have incentive to fight wars they will not win. Thus, the credibility of democratic threats can be made extremely high. We also find, however, that partisan cues strongly condition presidential incentives. Party elites have incentives to behave according to type in Congress and contrary to type in the Oval Office, and Democratic presidents sometimes have incentives to fight wars they will not win.
机译:我们分析了第一个大规模的随机实验,以衡量标准国际危机谈判模型所有结果下的总统批准水平,从而避免了在评估总统奖励措施时进行战略选择的问题。我们发现支持在讨价还价的文献中做出的几种假设,包括外国的让步导致的批准水平高于其他结果,在敌对行动开始之前听众成本的幅度受到总统的控制,并且这些成本可能会变得很大,以至于总统有动力打仗,而战争将不会获胜。因此,可以使民主威胁的信誉极高。但是,我们还发现,党派暗示强烈影响了总统的激励措施。党内精英们有动机按照国会的类型行事,而与椭圆形办公室的行为相违背,民主党总统有时有动机去打赢他们不会赢的战争。

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