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Re-Examination of Chinese Semantic Processing and Syntactic Processing: Evidence from Conventional ERPs and Reconstructed ERPs by Residue Iteration Decomposition (RIDE)

机译:汉语语义加工和句法加工的重新检验:来自传统ERP和重构ERP的残差迭代分解(RIDE)证据

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摘要

A number of studies have explored the time course of Chinese semantic and syntactic processing. However, whether syntactic processing occurs earlier than semantics during Chinese sentence reading is still under debate. To further explore this issue, an event-related potentials (ERPs) experiment was conducted on 21 native Chinese speakers who read individually-presented Chinese simple sentences (NP1+VP+NP2) word-by-word for comprehension and made semantic plausibility judgments. The transitivity of the verbs was manipulated to form three types of stimuli: congruent sentences (CON), sentences with a semantically violated NP2 following a transitive verb (semantic violation, SEM), and sentences with a semantically violated NP2 following an intransitive verb (combined semantic and syntactic violation, SEM+SYN). The ERPs evoked from the target NP2 were analyzed by using the Residue Iteration Decomposition (RIDE) method to reconstruct the ERP waveform blurred by trial-to-trial variability, as well as by using the conventional ERP method based on stimulus-locked averaging. The conventional ERP analysis showed that, compared with the critical words in CON, those in SEM and SEM+SYN elicited an N400–P600 biphasic pattern. The N400 effects in both violation conditions were of similar size and distribution, but the P600 in SEM+SYN was bigger than that in SEM. Compared with the conventional ERP analysis, RIDE analysis revealed a larger N400 effect and an earlier P600 effect (in the time window of 500–800 ms instead of 570–810ms). Overall, the combination of conventional ERP analysis and the RIDE method for compensating for trial-to-trial variability confirmed the non-significant difference between SEM and SEM+SYN in the earlier N400 time window. Converging with previous findings on other Chinese structures, the current study provides further precise evidence that syntactic processing in Chinese does not occur earlier than semantic processing.
机译:许多研究探索了汉语语义和句法处理的时程。然而,在汉语句子阅读过程中句法处理是否比语义学更早发生仍在争论中。为了进一步探讨这个问题,我们对21位以英语为母语的母语人士进行了事件相关电位(ERP)实验,他们逐字阅读单个呈现的汉语简单句子(NP1 + VP + NP2)以进行理解并做出语义上的合理性判断。操纵动词的及物性以形成三种类型的刺激:一致句子(CON),在及物动词后语义违背NP2的句子(语义违规,SEM)和在不及物动词后语义违背NP2的句子(组合语义和句法违规(SEM + SYN)。通过使用残差迭代分解(RIDE)方法重建从试验到试验的变异性模糊的ERP波形,以及使用基于刺激锁定平均的传统ERP方法,分析了从目标NP2诱发的ERP。传统的ERP分析表明,与CON中的关键词相比,SEM和SEM + SYN中的关键词引发了N400–P600双相模式。在两种违规条件下,N400效应的大小和分布都相似,但SEM + SYN中的P600大于SEM中的P600。与传统的ERP分析相比,RIDE分析显示了更大的N400效应和更早的P600效应(在500–800 ms的时间窗口内,而不是570–810ms的时间窗口)。总的来说,传统的ERP分析和RIDE方法相结合来补偿试验之间的差异,证实了在较早的N400时间窗口中SEM和SEM + SYN之间没有显着差异。与先前在其他中文结构上的发现相吻合,当前的研究提供了更精确的证据,即汉语的句法处理不会比语义处理更早地发生。

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