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Hobbesian public reason.

机译:霍布斯的公共理性。

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摘要

One of the major problems in liberalism is the justification of political authority to groups with pluralistic views. In the face of intransigent pluralism, liberal theorists have sought to construct a 'public reason' that everyone can accept (actually or hypothetically), a public reason which vindicates the coercive actions of the state. Thomas Hobbes was arguably the first normative theorist to confront radical pluralism and to foresee a solution in terms of a doctrine of public reason. I contend that Hobbes provides an account of public reason that successfully responds to the deep problem of pluralism and that his account significantly anticipates contemporary accounts. It might seem that Hobbes is an unlikely contender in the public reason debates, and he has so been ignored. But this is a mistake. Hobbesian political philosophy, correctly understood, is more viable than contemporary philosophers acknowledge.;This dissertation is a reinterpretation of Hobbes's political theory that highlights the problems associated with pluralism and identifies a Hobbesian conception of public reason. Conflict, according to this interpretation, is brought about by a difference in opinion, a lack of right reason and the subjectivity of value. In order to avert conflict, individuals form an agreement (the social contract) which provides a procedural resolution to dangerous pluralism. This procedure is, as articulated by Hobbes, an absolute sovereign, whose judgment/will becomes the public standard by which the citizens adjudicate conflict. This standard, however, is not a mere modus vivendi. The sovereign provides Razian content-independent reasons for action. These are authoritatively-based reasons that all citizens must accept despite their pluralism.;Hobbesian accounts of public reason (provided by David Gauthier and Michael Ridge) have attempted to soften Hobbes's absolutism. They realize that there is a tension that is presented for any theorist that toes the Hobbesian line. This tension has been referred to as the "Hobbesian Dilemma." On one horn, we are afraid that we might create a monster with our authorization of an absolute sovereign. On the other horn, we are afraid that if we do not hand over unlimited power to the sovereign (and to its judgment) we will not be freed from the conflict that is endemic to our reliance upon private pluralistic standards. Modern Hobbesians, stressing the first horn, are afraid of authorizing a supreme political entity, so they provide modifications that serve to restrict such an entity. These modifications, however, necessarily reintroduce pluralism back into the commonwealth. But if we take Hobbes seriously and accept that pluralism generates a state of war, the reintroduction of pluralism must be viewed as disastrous.;This project shows that a strong defense of Hobbesian public reason can be advanced by providing a reinterpretation of Hobbes's arguments for absolute sovereignty. I argue that Hobbes advocates "thin absolutism"; a system of authority that merely ensures respect of the core concepts of sovereignty---hierarchy and normative closure. This new interpretation of Hobbes's absolutism shows that the concerns regarding sovereign tyranny are not fatal to his procedural account of public reason. With thin absolutism, the sovereign is neither necessarily ineffective nor inherently dangerous. This then, leaves Hobbesian absolutism and ultimately Hobbesian public reason, in the position of being a "reasonable contender"---a system of political authority that might require our allegiance, but at the very least requires serious attention.
机译:自由主义的主要问题之一是政治权威对具有多元化观点的群体的正当性。面对固执的多元主义,自由主义理论家试图构建一个每个人都可以(实际上或假设地)接受的“公共理性”,这种公共理性证明了国家的强制性行为。托马斯·霍布斯(Thomas Hobbes)可以说是第一个面对激进的多元主义并预见到公共理性理论的解决方案的规范理论家。我认为,霍布斯提供了一个公共理性的解释,成功地回应了多元化的深层问题,他的解释极大地预见了当代的解释。在公共理由辩论中,霍布斯似乎是不太可能的竞争者,因此他被忽略了。但这是一个错误。正确理解的霍布斯政治哲学比当代哲学家所承认的更可行。本论文是对霍布斯政治理论的重新阐释,霍布斯政治理论突出了与多元化有关的问题,并确定了霍布斯的公共理性概念。根据这种解释,冲突是由意见分歧,缺乏正当理由和价值的主观性引起的。为了避免冲突,个人形成了一项协议(社会契约),该协议为危险的多元化提供了程序解决方案。正如霍布​​斯(Hobbes)所阐明的那样,这一程序是绝对的主权者,其判断/意愿成为公民裁定冲突的公共标准。但是,该标准并非仅仅是一种手段。君主提供拉兹独立于行动的理由。这些都是基于权威的理由,尽管存在多元化,所有公民仍必须接受。霍布斯关于公共理性的论述(由大卫·高迪尔和迈克尔·里奇提供)试图减轻霍布斯的专制主义。他们意识到,对于任何遵循霍布斯理论的理论家都存在一种张力。这种紧张关系被称为“霍布斯困境”。一头牛角,我们担心如果得到绝对主权的授权,我们可能会制造出一个怪物。另一方面,我们担心,如果我们不将无限的权力移交给主权国家(及其主权),我们将无法摆脱我们依赖私人多元化标准所特有的冲突。现代霍布斯主义者强调第一号角,他们害怕授权一个最高的政治实体,因此他们提供了一些修改来限制这种实体。但是,这些修改必然将多元主义重新引入了英联邦。但是,如果我们认真对待霍布斯,并接受多元论会产生战争状态,那么必须将多元论的重新引入视为灾难性的。主权。我认为霍布斯主张“绝对专制”。一种仅确保尊重主权核心概念(即等级制和规范性关闭)的权威系统。对霍布斯专制主义的这种新解释表明,对主权专制的担忧对他对公共理性的程序性描述并没有致命的影响。凭借狭thin的专制主义,君主既不一定无效,也不存在固有的危险。这样,霍布斯专制主义和霍布斯的公共理性最终成为“合理的竞争者”,这是一种政治权威体系,可能需要我们效忠,但至少需要认真注意。

著录项

  • 作者

    Courtland, Shane D.;

  • 作者单位

    Tulane University.;

  • 授予单位 Tulane University.;
  • 学科 Philosophy.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2008
  • 页码 296 p.
  • 总页数 296
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 哲学理论;
  • 关键词

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