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Don't call it polarization: Rethinking the problem in American politics.

机译:不要称之为两极分化:重新思考美国政治中的问题。

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摘要

By many accounts, ideological polarization is the problem in American politics today. Yet, a wide range of antagonistic behavior cannot sufficiently be explained by policy divergence. In this dissertation I argue that the problem in American politics is not political polarization; rather polarization is a symptom of the problem. Scholars have largely looked for contextual explanations for why polarization has risen so dramatically in recent years. Scholars have been less inclined to search for underlying factors that explain why polarization has historically been a common occurrence in America. I propose that intergroup conflict, as formulated through social identity theory, provides such a foundation.;In this dissertation I examine two ramifications of political conflict. First, social groups engage in a discursive battle to define social reality. Second, individuals process social information in a way that promotes the interests of the ingroup. In order to examine political conflict at both the societal and psychological levels, I employ a mixed-method approach.;First, I perform a grounded theory analysis of campaign speeches from 2008 and 2012 presidential candidates. Results demonstrate that politicians engage in a competitive battle to define (1) the political ingroup, (2) the political outgroup, and (3) American identity. Ultimately, policies provide the language through which political actors attempt to legitimize the political ingroup, while delegitimizing the outgroup.;This inductive analysis leads me to propose two underlying psychological mechanisms: (1) Threats to American exceptionalism produce psychological uncertainty, which motivates partisans to derogate the outgroup. (2) Political conflict motivates partisans to adopt policy positions that are more distinct from the outgroup.;I test these hypotheses by performing two experimental manipulations. The results of Experiment 1 fail to find support for the first hypothesis. Experiment 2 provides evidence that as partisans' perception of political conflict goes up, so too does ingroup/outgroup reasoning and ideological polarization. The results of Experiment 2 suggest that the context of political conflict may be driving ideological polarization.;Taken together, this dissertation demonstrates that political polarization relies upon symbolic boundaries, which are constructed through communication and used in individual heads as a means of navigating social reality.
机译:在许多情况下,意识形态两极化是当今美国政治中的问题。然而,政策分歧并不能充分解释各种各样的对抗行为。在本文中,我认为美国政治中的问题不是政治两极化。极化是问题的征兆。学者们一直在寻找上下文解释,以解释近年来为什么两极分化如此急剧上升。学者们不太倾向于寻找能够解释为什么两极分化在美国历来很普遍的根本因素。我认为,通过社会认同理论提出的群体间冲突可以提供这样的基础。本文研究了政治冲突的两个方面。首先,社会团体参与定义社会现实的话语斗争。其次,个人处理社会信息的方式可以促进群体内的利益。为了从社会和心理两个层面考察政治冲突,我采用了一种混合方法。首先,我对2008年和2012年总统候选人的竞选演讲进行了扎实的理论分析。结果表明,政客们参与了一场激烈的战斗,以定义(1)政治集团,(2)政治集团和(3)美国身份。最终,政策提供了政治角色试图使政治集团合法化而使外部集团合法化的语言。这种归纳分析使我提出了两种潜在的心理机制:(1)对美国例外主义的威胁产生了心理不确定性,促使游击党人士降低小组成员人数。 (2)政治冲突促使游击党采取与外界截然不同的政策立场。我通过进行两次实验性操作来检验这些假设。实验1的结果未能找到对第一个假设的支持。实验2提供的证据表明,随着党派人士对政治冲突的认识上升,集团内/集团外推理和意识形态两极化也上升。实验2的结果表明,政治冲突的背景可能正在推动意识形态两极分化。总而言之,本论文表明,政治两极分化依赖于象征性边界,这些象征性边界是通过交流而构建的,并在个体头脑中用作导航社会现实的一种手段。 。

著录项

  • 作者

    McLaughlin, Bryan.;

  • 作者单位

    The University of Wisconsin - Madison.;

  • 授予单位 The University of Wisconsin - Madison.;
  • 学科 Mass Communications.;Political Science General.;Sociology Social Structure and Development.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2014
  • 页码 158 p.
  • 总页数 158
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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