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Economics Left and Right: The Rise of Economics in Federal Education Policy 1957-2002

机译:左右经济学:1957-2002年联邦教育政策中经济学的兴起

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摘要

Prior to the 1960s, educational purpose was conceptualized both humanistically and pluralistically; educational reform occurred primarily through a process of persuasion and change at the local level; and equality of educational opportunity focused on both quantitative and qualitive resources and, for African-Americans, emphasized desegregation. In No Child Left Behind, the only purposes of education explicitly mandated by the Federal government were economic---to address poverty and the increasingly unequal distribution of wealth, especially for minorities, and to make the nation more economically competitive at the global level. Standardized test scores were the only measurement that mattered in terms of the evaluation of teachers and schools and "data-driven" decision making became a necessity. When schools failed to meet ambitious prespecified goals, teachers and local administrators were assumed to be unmotivated, uncaring, or even racially prejudiced.;These dramatic changes can largely be explained by the success of a policy paradigm, particularly at the federal level, based on the ideas, theories, and methods of neoclassical economics. Initiated by the introduction of human capital theory into educational policy in the late 1950s, this paradigm was also comprised of the education production function and the principal-agent theory. The paradigm was supported by various interest groups from both the left and the right for ideological purposes; supporters benefited from what was perceived as the legitimacy of economic research, but economists benefitted as well. Strong political support for the economic paradigm has come from the left and from a body of advocacy research that arose in the early 1970s known as the Effective Schools Movement. Economists' notions of both the production function and principal agent theory were used by ESM researchers to support the idea that all children were educable to high levels (as measured by standardized tests), regardless of non-school factors, and that differences in academic achievement between racial groups was the fault of the school. The research of economists, often described by its critics as "neo-liberal" or "neo-conservative," has actually been used quite powerfully by those committed to social justice and equality of educational opportunity.
机译:在1960年代之前,教育目的在人文和多元方面都得到了概念化。教育改革主要是通过在地方一级的说服和变革过程进行的;平等的教育机会侧重于数量和质量资源,对非裔美国人则强调种族隔离。在“不让任何一个孩子掉队”中,联邦政府明确规定的教育的唯一目的是经济—解决贫困和财富分配不均的问题,尤其是针对少数族裔,并使国家在全球范围内更具经济竞争力。标准化的考试分数是唯一评估老师和学校的指标,因此“数据驱动”决策成为必要。当学校未能实现雄心勃勃的预定目标时,教师和地方行政人员会被认为没有动力,无人照顾甚至种族偏见;这些巨大的变化可以用政策范式的成功来解释,尤其是在联邦一级,基于新古典经济学的思想,理论和方法。通过在1950年代后期将人力资本理论引入教育政策,这种范式也由教育生产功能和委托代理理论组成。出于意识形态的目的,左右各利益集团都支持这种模式。支持者从经济研究的合法性中受益,但经济学家也从中受益。左派和1970年代初期开展的一项名为“有效学校运动”的倡导研究为政治模式提供了强有力的政治支持。 ESM研究人员使用了经济学家关于生产函数和委托人理论的观点来支持这样的观点:无论非学历因素如何,所有孩子都可以接受高水平的教育(通过标准化测验衡量),以及学业成绩的差异种族之间的分歧是学校的错。经济学家的研究通常被批评家们称为“新自由主义者”或“新保守主义者”,而那些致力于社会正义和受教育机会均等的人们实际上已经非常有力地利用了它们。

著录项

  • 作者

    Holden, Laura.;

  • 作者单位

    Michigan State University.;

  • 授予单位 Michigan State University.;
  • 学科 Education policy.;Education history.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2018
  • 页码 151 p.
  • 总页数 151
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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