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The DP hypothesis through the lens of Japanese nominal collocation constructions.

机译:DP假说是通过日本名义搭配结构的镜头得出的。

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摘要

In Japanese, bare noun phrases can refer to the object that is introduced in a previous context, whereas in English, the definite article is required for a common noun phrase to refer. The research question of this discussion is whether Japanese syntactically projects a determiner phrases (DP) although it does not have an article such as the in English. If Japanese does not project DP unlike English, the definiteness of referential arguments needs to be parameterized in syntax and in semantics. On the other hand, if Japanese projects DP, it suggests that DP is part of Universal Grammar (UG) and thus that no parameterization is called for. This thesis presents three pieces of evidence to support the DP hypothesis for Japanese by examining nominal collocation constructions such as watasitati 3-nin 'we three' and watasitati sensei 'we professors'.;In Chapter 2, the first argument stems from specificity effects. In Japanese numeral classifiers (NCs) cannot float away from personal pronouns. Likewise, NCs cannot get raised outside the associated bare noun phrases when the noun phrases possess definite interpretations. This implies that Japanese projects DP and that the DP blocks NCs from moving outside.;In Chapter 3, examination of the internal structure of nominal collocation constructions is conducted. The grouping of personal pronouns and common noun phrases is ungrammatical when the common noun phrases have a plural marker and occur prenominally with the genitive marker. Moreover, NCs cannot appear prenominally with the genitive marker when the noun phrases involve personal pronouns unlike in the case of common noun phrases. Based on the argument of the nominal predication hypothesis due to the former property, the ungrammaticality of the second property is argued in terms of D feature on DP, in favor of the DP hypothesis.;In Chapter 4, the left periphery of nominal collocation constructions is investigated. The fact that not all noun phrases allow for adjunction is explained in terms of the ban on adjunction to DP.;If these arguments are correct, this suggests that DP is part of UG and that in Japanese the lack of a determiner is only due to morpho-phonological reasons.
机译:在日语中,裸露的名词短语可以指代先前上下文中引入的对象,而在英语中,要引用普通名词短语则需要定冠词。该讨论的研究问题是,尽管日语没有英文的文章,但日语是否在句法上投射定语短语(DP)。如果日语不像英语那样投射DP,则需要在语法和语义上对引用参数的确定性进行参数化。另一方面,如果日语计划DP,则表明DP是通用语法(UG)的一部分,因此不需要参数化。本文通过考察名义搭配构造,如watasitati 3-n'我们三'和watasitati老师'we教授',提供了三点证据来支持日语的DP假设;在第二章中,第一个论点源于特异性效应。在日语中,数字分类器(NC)不能脱离人称代词。同样,当名词短语具有确定的解释时,NC也不会在相关的裸露名词短语之外出现。这意味着日本人设计了DP,并且DP阻止了NCs向外移动。在第3章中,对名义搭配结构的内部结构进行了研究。当常用名词短语具有复数标记并以属格标记在名词上出现时,人称代词和常用名词短语的分组是不合语法的。此外,当名词短语涉及人称代词时,与普通名词短语不同​​,NC不能带有属格标记出现。基于前者属性的名义谓词假设的论点,以DP的D特征来论证第二属性的不合语法性,有利于DP假设。在第四章​​中,名义搭配结构的左边缘被调查。并非所有名词短语都允许使用附加词这一事实是通过禁止DP附加词来解释的;如果这些论点是正确的,则表明DP是UG的一部分,而在日语中缺少确定语仅是由于形态语音原因。

著录项

  • 作者

    Furuya, Kaori.;

  • 作者单位

    City University of New York.;

  • 授予单位 City University of New York.;
  • 学科 Language Linguistics.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 321 p.
  • 总页数 321
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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