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Consociationalism and the Nigerian political system, 1960-1988. (Volumes I and II).

机译:社团主义与尼日利亚的政治体系,1960-1988年。 (第一和第二卷)。

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摘要

This study examines the applicability of Arend Lijphart's principles of consociationalism to the Nigerian political environment. The operational utility of these principles namely: grand coalition, proportionality, segmental autonomy, and mutual veto to plural societies is generally presented as a challenge as well as an alternative process of political disposition capable of stabilizing the fragility of social formations in plural societies relative to the majoritarian democracy of the British model.;The institutionalization of parliamentary democracy in Nigeria particularly during it's early formative years marginalized not only the reality of it's ethnic pluralism but also ignored the necessity to experiment with consociational democracy as a political process.;The evolution or development of the Nigerian state as a historic phenomenon has provided an important heuristic explanation for the country's political instability and the operational failure of it's system of majoritarian democracy during the First Republic.;Paradoxically, military intervention in the Nigerian body politic has served as a catalyst for some of the institutional changes that had taken place particularly during the Second Republic. However, the frequency of it's involvement in politics has continued to undermine the developmental process of democratic values and it's own professional obligations.;We examine Nigeria's experimentation with the principles of consociationalism from 1960 to 1988 under both the military and civilian rules. On the aggregate level of performance, the behavior of both the military and political elites is such that it can hardly sustain consociational democracy. The regimes of Gowon and Mohammed/Obasanjo could be credited for maintaining a modicum of consociational practice. However, other military regimes excelled in merely paying lip-service to the consociational experiment.;The Nigerian presidential system of the Second Republic was virtually operated as if it were a parliamentary system. It's method of operation practically jeopardized the moderation of the design of it's consociational politics.;In addition to the behavior of the elites, the study shows that consociational disposition alone cannot ensure political stability in plural societies unless, at the same time, there is conscientious husbandry of the economic resources to sustain the political process.
机译:这项研究考察了阿连德·利法特的联合主义原则对尼日利亚政治环境的适用性。这些原则的运作效用即:大联盟,相称性,部分自治和对多元社会的否决权通常被视为挑战,也是可以稳定多元社会相对于多元社会的社会形态脆弱性的政治处置的替代过程。尼日利亚的议会民主制度化,特别是在其成长期的初期,不仅将其民族多元主义的现实边缘化,而且还忽略了将社团民主作为政治进程进行试验的必要性。尼日利亚作为一个历史现象的发展已为该国的政治不稳定和第一共和国的专制民主制度的运作失败提供了重要的启发性解释;矛盾的是,对尼日利亚身体政治的军事干预已成为催化剂对于尤其是在第二共和国期间发生的一些体制变革。但是,它参与政治的频率继续破坏民主价值观的发展过程及其自身的职业义务。我们考察了尼日利亚在1960年至1988年间根据军事和民用规则进行的联合主义原则的试验。从总体表现来看,军事和政治精英的行为都难以维持社团民主制。功文和穆罕默德/奥巴桑乔的政权可以说是因为维持了少量的交往实践。但是,其他军事政权仅在口头上为联合试验锦上添花。第二共和国的尼日利亚总统制实际上是在运行的是议会制。它的运作方法实际上损害了社团政治设计的适度性。除精英行为外,研究表明,除非有认真的态度,否则社团的处置本身无法确保多元社会的政治稳定。拥有经济资源来维持政治进程。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    University of Kansas.;

  • 授予单位 University of Kansas.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1990
  • 页码 638 p.
  • 总页数 638
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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