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Isolationism in international relations (Great Britain, Russia, Germany).

机译:国际关系中的孤立主义(英国,俄罗斯,德国)。

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Although "isolationism" is a label usually applied to American foreign policy in the interwar period, very few states are as internationalist as they could be at all times: most would fall somewhere between the extremes on an isolationist-internationalist continuum. Placing isolationism into the context of international relations increases the number and variety of cases available to scholars in search of a better understanding of isolationism. At the same time, the availability of an option not to take part can alter the fundamental logic of international interaction, and the existence of states which in general do not act is problematic for theory-testing. In short, international relations research can benefit from the study of isolationism and vice-versa.; This dissertation is an enquiry into the sources of isolationist behavior. It examines three cases: Great Britain, Russia, and Prussia/Germany from 1815 to 1914; the United States and Germany in the interwar period; and the United States and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1991. Each of the major actors experiences either a shift toward isolationism or a shift toward internationalism during the periods in question; most experience both.; The results suggest that isolationism is not simply a function of unit-level characteristics: it cannot be understood outside of a larger context which includes other major actors and the status of the international system (or subsystem). In the American case, for example, isolationism was defeated not by Roosevelt or Truman or Vandenberg but by Hitler and Stalin. Predicting isolationist behavior requires an understanding of states' foreign policy worldviews--that is, their aggregated spheres of interest. The dynamic model used to predict changes in states' level of activity suggests that states should be most internationalist when their worldviews overlap (that is, have many issues in common) and conflict (exhibit opposite preferences on common issues of interest) and should be relatively isolationist otherwise. The model also yields predictions about changes in the (sub-)system within which they interact. In all, the predictions prove quite accurate: changes in worldviews prompt both changes in levels of internationalism and changes in the status quo.
机译:尽管“孤立主义”是战时时期通常用于美国外交政策的标签,但很少有国家像以往任何时候一样具有国际主义:大多数国家处于孤立主义-国际主义连续体的极端之间。将隔离主义置于国际关系的背景下,为寻求对隔离主义的更好理解,学者可利用的案例数量和种类更多。同时,选择不参加的可能性会改变国际互动的基本逻辑,而且通常不采取行动的国家的存在对于理论检验是有问题的。简而言之,国际关系研究可以从孤立主义的研究中受益,反之亦然。本文是对孤立主义行为根源的探究。它研究了三种情况:1815年至1914年的英国,俄罗斯和普鲁士/德国;两次世界大战期间的美国和德国;以及1945年至1991年的美国和苏联。在此期间,每个主要参与者都经历了向孤立主义或国际主义的转变。两者都有经验。结果表明,孤立主义不仅是单位特征的函数:在包括其他主要参与者和国际体系(或子系统)地位在内的更大范围之外无法理解它。以美国为例,孤立主义不是被罗斯福,杜鲁门,范登堡击败,而是被希特勒和斯大林击败。预测孤立主义者的行为需要了解国家的外交政策世界观,即它们的总利益领域。用于预测国家活动水平变化的动态模型表明,当国家的世界观重叠(即有许多共同点)和冲突(在共同感兴趣的问题上表现出相反的偏好)时,国家应该是最国际主义的国家。孤立主义者则相反。该模型还产生有关它们相互作用的(子系统)变化的预测。总而言之,这些预测是非常准确的:世界观的变化既促使国际主义水平发生变化,也促使现状发生变化。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    University of Michigan.;

  • 授予单位 University of Michigan.;
  • 学科 Political Science International Law and Relations.; History United States.; History European.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1998
  • 页码 309 p.
  • 总页数 309
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 国际法;美洲史;欧洲史;
  • 关键词

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