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Ethnodevelopment in Latin America: Political competition and the making of ethnically-targeted participatory policy in Ecuador, Peru and Guatemala, 1985--2005.

机译:拉丁美洲的民族发展:厄瓜多尔,秘鲁和危地马拉的政治竞争和针对种族的参与性政策的制定,1985--2005年。

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摘要

An empirical puzzle presented by the surprising appearance and variation of a new type of participatory ethnically-targeted policy paradigm in Latin America motivates this dissertation. In the 1980s, Latin American countries such as Ecuador and Peru began to enact significant ethnodevelopment policies, or social and development policies that take into account indigenous poverty and that do so with a focus on culture and self-management. Other Latin American countries with similarly large indigenous populations and high levels of indigenous poverty such as Guatemala, in contrast, continued during this time to ignore ethnicity in domestic development policies, as had been the region-wide trend in decades past. Further adding to this puzzling variation, while Ecuador began immediately to implement these policies on the ground, in Peru, the strong policy paradigm was not translated into services and programs as promised in the law.;Drawing from elite interviews and extensive analysis of each country's legal and organizational literature, among other sources, I find that the most common explanations for the appearance of multicultural policies, such as those looking to levels of racism and international pressure, cannot explain this empirical puzzle. Rather, I find that distinctive patterns of domestic political competition and social mobilization best make sense of the three countries' ethnodevelopment policy records. Specifically, policy-makers unattached to core constituencies with interests and ideologies in opposition to any part of the ethnodevelopment paradigm were in the best position to reach out to the uncaptured constituency represented by indigenous communities. In Latin American countries, center-left presidents have thus been uniquely situated to use ethnodevelopment policy-making to appeal to indigenous voters when tight competition provides incentives for new sources of support. Only in Ecuador and Peru did center-left presidents take power during the period under study, and therefore only in these two countries was the paradigm introduced. In Guatemala, where no center-left president was elected, no ethnodevelopment paradigm took shape.;With the first policies placed on the legislative agenda in Ecuador and Peru by presidents of the center-left, formerly marginalized groups became perceived as a constituency based on ethnicity, rather than simply as a larger part of the general peasantry, poor or other class-based grouping. Now in "play," political actors in these two countries perceived the targeted ethnic groups as a possible voting bloc and one to be fought over when tight competition necessitated such action. Having seen benefits accrued by the center-left, other presidents from along the political spectrum thus helped to continue building the ethnodevelopment paradigm when in need of new sources of support.;The strength and presence of indigenous social movements best explains the variation in ethnodevelopment policy implementation levels in Ecuador and Peru. Specifically, both their early presence in pushing for multicultural policy as well as their links to local communities meant that indigenous social movements in Ecuador were in a beneficial position to see that implementation was carried out. The lack of such mobilization in Peru meant that the strong legislation that passed stayed "on the books," and off the ground.;This dissertation represents an original endeavor to explore a practically important empirical phenomenon that is insufficiently explained by the extant academic and policy literature. The broader argument put forth here not only makes sense of the particular empirical puzzle that motivates the study, but also shows evidence of traveling to other global contexts and policy-making situations. Thus, not only does the dissertation have important practical implications, but the findings here also contribute to the broader study of ethnic politics, policy-making, social movements and political parties.
机译:拉丁美洲一种新型的以种族为对象的参与性政策范式的出人意料的出现和变化所带来的经验难题激发了本论文的研究兴趣。 1980年代,厄瓜多尔和秘鲁等拉丁美洲国家开始制定重要的民族发展政策,或考虑到土著贫困并着重于文化和自我管理的社会与发展政策。相比之下,危地马拉等土著人口同样多,土著贫困程度高的其他拉丁美洲国家,在此期间仍继续忽视种族发展政策中的种族歧视,这与过去几十年来全区域的趋势一样。更令人困惑的是,厄瓜多尔立即开始在秘鲁实地实施这些政策时,强大的政策范式并未像法律所承诺的那样转化为服务和计划。;通过精英访谈和对每个国家/地区的广泛分析得出在法律和组织文献等方面,我发现,对于多元文化政策的出现,最常见的解释(例如那些寻求种族主义和国际压力的解释)无法解释这一经验难题。相反,我发现,国内政治竞争和社会动员的独特模式最能理解这三个国家的民族发展政策记录。具体地说,与民族发展范式的任何部分相对立,对利益和意识形态都不感兴趣的核心选区的决策者最有可能接触土著社区所代表的未被占领的选区。因此,在拉美国家,中左翼总统在利用种族发展政策制定来吸引土著选民时具有独特的地位,而激烈的竞争为新的支持来源提供了动力。在研究期间,中左总统仅在厄瓜多尔和秘鲁上台,因此仅在这两个国家中引入了这种模式。在危地马拉,没有选举中左翼总统的地方,没有民族发展范式形成。随着中左翼总统将厄瓜多尔和秘鲁的第一个政策放在立法议程上,以前处于边缘地位的群体被视为基于种族,而不是简单地作为普通农民,贫困者或其他基于阶级的群体的大部分。如今,这两个国家的政治角色正在“玩耍”,他们认为目标族群是可能的投票集团,当激烈的竞争需要采取这种行动时,就应该对这些族群进行争夺。在看到了中左翼派别带来的好处后,其他各界人士在需要新的支持来源时也帮助他们继续建立民族发展范式。土著社会运动的力量和存在最能说明民族发展政策的变化厄瓜多尔和秘鲁的实施水平。具体而言,他们早日在推动多元文化政策方面以及与当地社区的联系都意味着厄瓜多尔的土著社会运动处于有利位置,可以看到其得以实施。秘鲁缺乏这样的动员,意味着通过的强有力的法律“留在了书本上”,而且是没有根据的。;本论文代表了一种探索实践上重要的经验现象的原始努力,而现存的学术和政策对此却没有足够的解释。文献。这里提出的更广泛的论点不仅使激发研究的特殊经验难题变得有意义,而且还显示了走向其他全球环境和政策制定情况的证据。因此,本文不仅具有重要的现实意义,而且在此发现也有助于对民族政治,决策,社会运动和政党的更广泛研究。

著录项

  • 作者

    Chartock, Sarah.;

  • 作者单位

    Princeton University.;

  • 授予单位 Princeton University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Sociology Ethnic and Racial Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 378 p.
  • 总页数 378
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;民族学;
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:37:40

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