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Policy in parliamentary versus congressional systems and other essays in political economics.

机译:议会制与国会制的政策以及政治经济学中的其他论文。

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摘要

In the first essay of this dissertation I study the impact, on economic policy, of political institutions that differ between parliamentary and congressional systems. Specifically, I focus on the vote of confidence procedure as key in explaining the difference in welfare state structure and labor market regulations across countries. In the context of incomplete information, all representatives differ by policy preferences. Those whose preferences are closer to those of their voters have an incentive to signal this fact. The best way for representatives to do this is to propose "extreme" policies, policies that types who have unpopular preferences cannot profitably propose. The degree to which policies are extreme is dependent on each representative's desire to be confirmed and reach future periods and since a prime minister (who has monopoly power on policy proposals) can get a better deal in systems with a confidence procedure than systems without it, this incentive will be greater in parliamentary systems. The model predicts extreme "leftist" policies in a parliamentary than a congressional system when a left-wing government is in power while it predicts extreme "rightist" policies in the opposite case and this is compatible with empirical evidence.;In the second essay, I introduce a new way of thinking about lobbying. Lobbyists do not pay contributions and do not give politicians information about voters' preferences. On the contrary, lobbyists monitor representatives and transmit this information to voters: this gives them a leverage towards politicians who might have an incentive to hide their true preferences to voters. I also show that introducing lobbying does not alter the result significantly, except for the case in which monitors and voters are on the opposite side of the issue.;In the final essay, I study how rigid or flexible a constitution should be as a function of the cost of amending it versus the probability of success in replacing the constitution altogether. Results show that the degree of flexibility is increasing in the probability of success of a replacement while an increase in the cost of amending is ambiguous in general.
机译:在本文的第一篇文章中,我研究了议会制和国会制之间不同的政治制度对经济政策的影响。具体来说,我将重点放在信任投票程序上,这是解释各国福利国家结构和劳动力市场法规差异的关键。在信息不完整的情况下,所有代表的政策偏好都不同。那些偏爱选民的人有动机去暗示这一事实。代表这样做的最佳方法是提出“极端”政策,那些偏好不受欢迎的人无法从中获利。政策的极端程度取决于每个代表的确认意愿和到达未来时期的意愿,并且由于总理(谁对政策建议拥有垄断权)可以比没有政策的系统更好地处理带有信任程序的系统,在议会体系中,这种激励将更大。该模型在左翼政府执政时在议会中预测的是极端的“左派”政策,而在国会体制中则是在相反的情况下预测极端的“右倾”政策,这与经验证据是一致的。我介绍了一种新的游说思维方式。游说者不缴纳会费,也不向政客提供有关选民偏好的信息。相反,游说者监视代表并将这些信息传递给选民:这使他们有能力利用政治动机,诱使他们隐藏对选民的真实偏好。我还表明,引入游说并不会显着改变结果,除非监督员和选民在问题的对立面。;在最后的文章中,我研究了宪法作为功能应具有的刚性或灵活性修改成本与完全取代宪法的成功几率。结果表明,灵活性的程度在替换成功的可能性上不断提高,而修改成本的提高通常是模棱两可的。

著录项

  • 作者

    Giovannoni, Francesco.;

  • 作者单位

    Stanford University.;

  • 授予单位 Stanford University.;
  • 学科 Economics Theory.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2000
  • 页码 119 p.
  • 总页数 119
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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