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Channeling power: International organizations and the politics of coercion.

机译:引导力量:国际组织和胁迫政治。

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摘要

Why do powerful states conduct coercive foreign policies through international organizations (IOs)? Weak states often require institutional participation to influence international politics; powerful states, on the other hand, have no such necessity. Since involvement with international institutions limits policy autonomy and imposes certain behavioral constraints, we might expect a state with sufficient capability to avoid institutional commitments. Yet this is often not the case: States with viable unilateral options and no obvious material motivations frequently---and quite voluntarily---channel their policies through multilateral organizations.; A set of largely rationalist causal mechanisms can account for this phenomenon. Powerful states engage IOs because doing so lowers the political costs of coercion that might otherwise be imposed by third-party states (that is, states other than the target of coercion). Two processes are key, one at the interstate level and the other primarily domestic. First, working through an IO sends a credible signal to third-party states that the coercer's intentions are limited and relatively benign. By choosing to channel its power through an IO and thus imposing constraints on itself, the powerful state is able to minimize the perceptions of threat and costly reactions that might otherwise result from coercive behavior. Second, channeling coercive policies through an IO increases the probability that third-party governments will support the coercer by allowing their leaders to frame the coercion to their own domestic audiences as justified and in the collective international interest. International support thus becomes viable from the perspective of internal politics.; These complementary functions, international signaling and internal framing, serve to lower the political costs of coercion by conveying critical information to leaders and publics around the world, information that leads to greater support---both tacit and direct---of the coercing state's policies. An important intervening variable, the degree of independence of available IOs, helps explain which IO will be chosen over others (or over unilateralism) in a given episode. The argument is substantiated with case studies in the areas of security, economics and the environment.
机译:强国为什么通过国际组织(IOs)实施强制性的外交政策?弱国经常需要机构参与来影响国际政治。另一方面,强国没有这种必要。由于参与国际机构会限制政策自主权并施加某些行为约束,因此我们可以期望一个有足够能力避免国家做出机构承诺的国家。然而,情况往往并非如此:具有可行的单方面选择并且没有明显物质动机的国家经常-并且非常自愿地-通过多边组织来引导其政策。一组很大程度上是理性主义的因果机制可以解释这种现象。强大的国家会与IO进行互动,因为这样做会降低由第三方国家(即非强制目标的国家)施加的强制性政治成本。关键在于两个过程,一个在州际一级,另一个主要在国内。首先,通过IO进行工作会向第三方国家发出可信的信号,即强制者的意图是有限的并且相对良性。通过选择通过IO传递其权力并对其施加约束,强大的状态能够最大程度地减少对威胁和可能由强制性行为造成的昂贵反应的感知。其次,通过IO传递强制性政策会增加第三方政府通过允许其领导人合理合理地为自己的国内受众提供强制性和符合国际集体利益的方式来支持强制性的可能性。因此,从内部政治的角度来看,国际支持变得可行。这些补充功能,国际信号和内部框架,通过向世界各地的领导人和公众传达重要信息,从而降低了胁迫的政治成本,这些信息导致了胁迫国家的默许和直接支持。政策。一个重要的干预变量,可用IO的独立程度,有助于解释在给定情节中哪个IO将比其他IO(或单边主义)被选择。该论点在安全,经济和环境领域的案例研究中得到了证实。

著录项

  • 作者

    Thompson, Alexander S.;

  • 作者单位

    The University of Chicago.;

  • 授予单位 The University of Chicago.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2001
  • 页码 270 p.
  • 总页数 270
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;国际法;
  • 关键词

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