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Unpacking descriptive representation: Examining race and electoral representation in the American states.

机译:展开描述性陈述:检查美国各州的种族和选举代表。

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摘要

This research aims to understand how black descriptive representation comes about and why black descriptive representation matters, at the state level. What distinguishes this research from previous works is its simultaneous analysis of different forms of descriptive representation at the subnational level, rather than in Congress or at the local level. This research argues black descriptive representation can take four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity and caucus. An important and understudied mechanism for black descriptive representation is the formation of state legislative black caucuses and their potential to influence policy and behavior. Subnational descriptive representation need not have negative tradeoffs for black substantive policy representation, as has been found with minority representation in Congress (Lublin 1997). Black representation is akin to a diamond, and looking at it from only one perspective is similar to judging a diamond only by its color, instead of also judging it by its hardness and fluorescence, as well as its clarity, shape, and size. In short, this work recognizes the multifaceted nature of black representation in the states.;This research defines a theory of black descriptive representation as taking four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity, and caucus. Dyadic descriptive representation is the one-to-one relationship between a legislator and a voter, and heretofore it has received the most scholarly attention. This one-to-one relationship may occur between a minority citizen and their elected representation in Congress, in the state legislature, or in local government (Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004), but this work focuses on dyadic descriptive representation in Congress. Although some argue that dyadic descriptive representation leads to better policy outcomes for blacks (Whitby 1997; Hutchings, McClerking, and Charles 2004), and encourages blacks to engage in politics (Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004; Griffin and Keane 2006), others argue that dyadic descriptive representation is not only unnecessary to implement policies beneficial to blacks (Swain 1993), but also that it may actually lead to poorer policy outcomes for the group (Lublin 1997). That is, there is a tradeoff between increasing the number of black representatives (descriptive representation) and passing policies beneficial to the group (substantive representation).;Collective descriptive representation is the relationship that an individual has with elected officials with whom they share a group identity. For blacks, collective descriptive representation may include the percentage of black lawmakers in the state legislature or Congress. An argument developed in this research is that collective descriptive representation in the state legislature, a topic rarely studied by scholars of race and ethnicity, may maximize both descriptive and substantive representation, and as a result, it may encourage black political behavior and lead to better policy outcomes for the group.;Both parity and caucus descriptive representation are extensions of collective descriptive representation in the state legislature. Parity descriptive representation examines the extent to which the percentage of blacks in the state legislature is equal to a state's black population and is a measure of racial equity in electoral representation. Caucus descriptive representation is the formal organization of black lawmakers within a state legislature. Almost no published research has empirically studied legislative black caucuses in the states (for an exception see King-Meadows and Schaller 2006).;Since the four forms of descriptive representation are distinct, the expectation is that they be caused by different factors. Moreover, this research builds on previous work by measuring and defining collective descriptive representation in all fifty states and is the first research to argue that state legislative black caucuses shape political behavior.
机译:这项研究旨在了解在州一级,黑色描述性表示是如何产生的以及为什么黑色描述性表示很重要。这项研究与以前的研究的不同之处在于,它同时分析了国家以下各级而不是国会或地方一级的各种形式的描述性代表形式。这项研究认为,黑色描述性表示形式可以采用四种不同形式:二进式,集体式,平价式和核心式。黑人描述性代表制的一个重要而未被充分研究的机制是国家立法的黑人核心人物的形成及其对政策和行为的影响。如同在国会中的少数派代表所发现的那样,国家以下的描述性代表对于黑色的实质性政策代表不必有负面的权衡(Lublin 1997)。黑色表示类似于钻石,仅从一个角度查看它类似于仅通过颜色判断钻石,而不是通过其硬度和荧光度以及其净度,形状和大小来判断钻石。简而言之,这项工作认识到州内黑人代表制的多面性。这项研究将黑人描述性代表制的理论定义为四种不同形式:二进式,集体,平价和核心小组。二进位描述性表示法是立法者与选民之间的一对一关系,迄今为止,它一直受到学术界的最多关注。这种一对一的关系可能发生在少数族裔与其在国会,州议会或地方政府中当选的代表之间(Bobo和Gilliam,1990; Barreto,Segura和Woods,2004),但这项工作着眼于二进国会中的描述性代表。尽管有些人认为二进式描述性代表可以为黑人带来更好的政策结果(Whitby 1997; Hutchings,McClerking和Charles 2004),并鼓励黑人参政(Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci,Donovan和Karp) 2004; Griffin和Keane 2006),其他人则认为二元描述性的代表不仅对实施有利于黑人的政策是不必要的(Swain 1993),而且实际上可能导致该群体的政策成果较差(Lublin 1997)。也就是说,在增加黑人代表人数(描述性代表)和通过有利于该群体的政策(实质性代表)之间要权衡取舍;集体描述性代表是个人与当选官员共享的关系身份。对于黑人,集体描述性代表可能包括州立法机关或国会中黑人立法者的百分比。这项研究得出的论点是,州立法机关中的集体描述性代表,这是种族和族裔学者很少研究的话题,它可能同时最大化描述性和实质性代表,因此,它可能鼓励黑人的政治行为,并导致更好的表现。团体的政策成果。奇偶校验和核心小组的描述性代表都是州立法机关集体描述性代表的延伸。奇偶性描述性陈述考察了州立法机构中黑人的百分比等于该州的黑人人口的程度,并衡量了选举代表中种族平等的程度。核心小组的描述性代表是州议会内部黑人立法者的正式组织。几乎没有公开的研究对美国各州的立法性黑高加索人进行实证研究(例外情况,请参见King-Meadows和Schaller,2006年)。由于四种形式的描述性代表形式是截然不同的,因此人们期望它们是由不同的因素引起的。此外,这项研究是在先前工作的基础上,通过测量和定义所有五十个州的集体描述性代表制而进行的,并且是第一个争论说州立立法的黑因形成了政治行为的研究。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    The University of Iowa.;

  • 授予单位 The University of Iowa.;
  • 学科 African American Studies.;Black Studies.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 209 p.
  • 总页数 209
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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