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Cheap-riding: Domestic impediments to NATO compliance.

机译:便宜骑行:国内阻碍北约遵守的障碍。

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摘要

Why is such fanfare and diplomatic rigor attributed to international agreements when they are only to be broken? Being a scholar of European politics, and the transatlantic relationship, this theme has become all together redundant. The United States wishes to work together within the NATO alliance, which would seemingly create economies of scale and greater efficiency. The Europeans at the same time have been accused of turning the operational into the philosophical. While creating acronym after acronym from ESDP to CFSP, they have collectively failed to live up to 12 reform plans and 56 measurable goals since the end of the Cold War. Current struggles to cobble together a common Afghanistan policy with some semblance of burden sharing highlight growing rifts. Why do some NATO members agree to update lift capabilities and spend on defense yet fail to comply? NATO must now more than ever be thought of as more than just a military institution, but as a political one, so the answer can be found in political institutions, politicians' incentives in addition to national interest. The NATO framework on acceptable military spending levels is captured by international relations and economic theories of compliance and collective action. A novel contribution to the literature is the incorporation of public choice considerations into the debate. Through new public choice variables, strong conclusions are made about the relation between domestic institutions, politicians, and compliance with international agreements. Standard panel data regressions incorporate these new variables into existing models. Predicted probabilities and the Tobit model help to further demonstrate these relationships adding significantly to our understanding of burden sharing.
机译:为什么仅仅夸大国际协议就将这种夸夸其谈和外交严谨归于国际协定?作为欧洲政治学和跨大西洋关系的学者,这个主题已经变得多余。美国希望在北约联盟内共同努力,这似乎将产生规模经济和更高的效率。同时,欧洲人也被指控将军事行动转变为哲学行动。从冷战结束以来,他们在从ESDP到CFSP的缩略语中创建了首字母缩略词,但他们集体未能实现12个改革计划和56个可衡量的目标。目前为使一项共同的阿富汗政策与一些分担负担的努力拼凑在一起的努力突出了日益加剧的分歧。为什么一些北约成员同意更新升降机能力并花费在防御上却未能遵守?现在,北约必须比以往任何时候都更多地被视为不仅仅是军事机构,而且是政治机构,因此答案可以在政治机构,政治家的动机以及国家利益之外找到。国际关系,合规性和集体行动的经济理论抓住了北约关于可接受的军费水平的框架。对文学的新颖贡献是将公共选择因素纳入辩论。通过新的公共选择变量,可以得出有关国内机构,政治人物与遵守国际协定之间关系的强有力结论。标准面板数据回归将这些新变量合并到现有模型中。预测的概率和Tobit模型有助于进一步证明这些关系,从而大大增加了我们对负担分担的理解。

著录项

  • 作者

    Dickey, David M.;

  • 作者单位

    The Claremont Graduate University.;

  • 授予单位 The Claremont Graduate University.;
  • 学科 Political Science International Relations.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 128 p.
  • 总页数 128
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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