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Unfinished Cultural Hegemony: Shanghai Dashijie Amusement Center (1949--1966) in the Perspective of State Theory.

机译:未完成的文化霸权:国家理论视角下的上海大石街娱乐中心(1949--1966)。

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摘要

This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony.;This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues.
机译:这项研究是对毛泽东中国(1949-1966)在大众文化领域所追求的文化霸权的实证分析。基于本研究的实证研究,并受“使国家重返校园”的观点和“社会中的国家”理论的启发,本研究提出了“国家能力的综合视野”的理论观点。强调了不同领域和同一领域不同方面国家能力的不平衡,并强调我们既要注意强国能力,弱国能力,强国能力的悖论,也要注意两者之间的冲突。国家项目以及“政策反馈”对国家能力的影响。基于扩展案例法,本研究选择了上海大石街游乐中心作为研究对象。它分析了新政权如何有效接管并改造了大石街,同时表明,在复杂的国家能力的影响下,大石街逐渐失去了其作为游乐中心的原始特征,并与工人俱乐部越来越相似。这种现象称为文化同构。谈判霸权在某种程度上缓解了这种文化同构的局面,而零和霸权则加剧了这种情况。随着这一发展,大石街的听众人数大量减少,这说明了全权主义国家在大众文化领域所追求的文化霸权的困境。本研究遵循扩展案例法的方法论观点,并受布迪厄文化领域理论的启发,进一步分析了上海市文化局的演变。它表明,与国民党政府相比,新政权在大众文化领域的国家建设进一步迈出了一步,推动了文化行政机构的官僚化,并将国家权力渗透到了基层文化领域。另一方面,这项研究还表明,新体制受到国家财政资源能力薄弱,人力资本薄弱,官僚主义化,国家能力在群众异质性和结构转型的异步性方面的局限性的制约。 。结果,总的国家在消灭旧的大众文化产品的生产和流通方面的国家能力相对较强,因此相对成功,而在建设新的社会主义大众文化方面的国家能力则被广泛接受。在群众中,相对薄弱,因此相对不成功。在“国家能力的复杂视野”看来,谈判霸权反映了对复杂国家能力的认可,因此对于国家文化霸权计划是必要且有益的。零和霸权反映了对复杂国家能力的认识不足甚至不予接受,从而加剧了文化同构的局面,最终导致了文化霸权的断言。这种扩展的案例分析证明了错综复杂的情况。国家能力与文化霸权之间的关系。它旨在加深我们对毛泽东中国的文化历史和国家性质的理解;从理论上讲,它旨在基于更牢固的状态理论基础将状态重新带入文化分析,并为将状态理论应用于分析文化和其他问题提供参考。

著录项

  • 作者

    Xiao, Wenming.;

  • 作者单位

    The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;

  • 授予单位 The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.;Sociology Social Structure and Development.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2011
  • 页码 350 p.
  • 总页数 350
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:44:49

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