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In the eye of the beholder: Quantificational, pragmatic and aspectual features of the *bi-√ verbal prefix in Sumerian.

机译:在旁观者眼中:苏美尔语中*bi-√言语前缀的数量,语用和方面特征。

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Traditional models of Sumerian grammar suggest that the primary function of the *bi-√ verbal prefix is as a marker of locative agreement of one kind or another, but these models have, as a rule, described the *bi-√ prefix in purely morphological terms and failed to elucidate syntactic relations that hold between the *bi-√ prefix and other elements of the clauses in which it occurs. One of the consequences of the traditional avoidance of syntactic questions in the study of Sumerian is that almost nothing is known about several grammatical phenomena that appear to be coded through syntactic means such as definiteness, existential quantification, and the pragmatic opposition between topic and focus. This dissertation investigates the *bi-√ prefix as part of a larger effort to identify some of these basic morphosyntactic oppositions in the text-artifactual record of the Sumerian materials that originate from Old Babylonian Period (ca. 2000--1600 BCE) in Mesopotamia. I argue that the occurrence of a bare inalienable noun immediately to the left of a *bi-√ prefix verb forms a distinctive morphosyntactic construction which can be identified on the basis of both morphosyntactic and semantic critieria as a low source applicative construction.; The identification of this subset of the occurrences of the *bi-√ prefix as a low source applicative construction has broad implications for other parts of Sumerian grammar, in particular, the development of ergativity in the language. The low source applicative construction is limited to a group of verbs that includes verbs of perception and adversity and can be juxtaposed to a type of causative construction in which a bare alienable noun occurs immediately to the left of the *bi-√ prefix. This opposition stems from the fact that, in the low source applicative construction, the ergative noun phrase is the possessor of the inalienable noun rather than the agent of the clause. In order to elucidate several possible correlations between the clausal possessive constructions underlying the use of the low source applicative and the development of ergativity, several other issues are also dealt with in considerable detail in the balance of the dissertation: the use of possessive pronominal suffixes to code definiteness and topicalization as well as the role of indefiniteness and the definiteness effect in verbs of perception, head-internal relative clauses and contrastive focus constructions.
机译:传统的苏美尔语法模型表明,*bi-√言语前缀的主要功能是一种或多种位置一致的标志,但通常这些模型在纯形态上描述了*bi-√前缀术语,并且未能阐明*bi-√前缀与出现它的子句中其他元素之间的句法关系。在苏美尔语研究中传统回避句法问题的后果之一是,对于似乎通过句法手段(例如确定性,存在性量化以及主题与焦点之间的务实对立)编码的几种语法现象几乎一无所知。本论文研究*bi-√前缀,作为更大努力的一部分,以识别源自美索不达米亚旧巴比伦时期(约公元前2000--1600年)的苏美尔语材料的文字人工记录中的一些基本形态句法对立。 。我认为*bi-√前缀动词左侧紧随出现一个不可剥夺的名词,形成了一个独特的词句结构,可以根据词句语法和语义标准将其识别为低源应用句式。将该*bi-√前缀出现的子集标识为低来源的应用结构,对苏美尔语法的其他部分具有广泛的意义,尤其是该语言中的符化性的发展。低源应用性结构仅限于一组动词,包括感知和逆境动词,并且可以并列为一种因果结构,其中在*bi-√前缀的左侧紧随其后出现裸露的可异化名词。这种反对源自以下事实:在低源应用结构中,过分名词短语是不可剥夺名词的拥有者,而不是从句的主体。为了阐明使用低源应用程序所基于的从句所有格结构与代词性发展之间的几种可能的相关性,本文的其余部分还详细讨论了其他一些问题:所有格代词后缀的使用代码的确定性和主题化,以及不确定性和确定性作用在感知动词,头部内部相对从句和对比焦点构造中的作用。

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