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Development and new labor culture in Mexico.

机译:墨西哥的发展和新的劳工文化。

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摘要

This dissertation uses a modified theory of hegemony to examine the construction of dominant discourses and policies that regulate relations of production. I rethink Gramsci's theory of hegemony in spatial terms arguing that coercion at one scale can be used to strengthen and/or renegotiate consensus at other scales. I use critical discourse analysis and narrative policy analysis to analyze the dominant keywords currently regulating economic development and labor relations: neoliberalism and flexibility. I find that neoliberalism and flexibility discourses idealize voluntary association between autonomous individuals, but their political intent is to reinforce the authority of economic elites by reasserting their right to manage the economy in general and the production process in particular. Policy generated from neoliberalism modified the role of the State from a guarantor of welfare and equality, to a facilitator of free market exchange. Proponents of neoliberalism idealize a naturally spontaneous, voluntary, and flexible consensus between employers and workers, leading to greater efficiency and productivity that benefits everyone. However, the reality is a divided work force of a few privileged insiders and a large reserve army of flexible outsiders.; The second part of the dissertation is a study of Mexican neoliberalism. I reject the economic crisis explanation used commonly to explain the policy shift from import substitution industrialization to the export model in the mid-1980s. Instead, I argue that the shift in the development discourse was a rhetorical tool of the political elites to maintain popular consensus. The regional shift in the Mexican development model from the Federal District to the U.S.-Mexico border meant that the maquiladora industry became the new model for flexible industrialization and labor relations. Labor market flexibility became the objective of the Mexican political and economic elites, driving public sector reforms in the early 1990s. With this in mind, I examine the proposed labor law reforms, which would concretize the neoliberal vision of employer-worker relations, and remove the State from its historical role as arbiter between the two sides. I conclude that the political elites used coercion against labor in specific spaces to restructure the national consensus and the Mexican corporativist State.
机译:本文运用改良的霸权理论来考察主导性话语和调节生产关系的政策的建构。我从空间角度重新思考了葛兰西的霸权理论,认为一种尺度的胁迫可以用来加强和/或重新协商其他尺度的共识。我使用批判性话语分析和叙事政策分析来分析当前调节经济发展和劳动关系的主要关键词:新自由主义和灵活性。我发现新自由主义和灵活性话语可以理想地实现自治个体之间的自愿结社,但是他们的政治意图是通过重申经济精英的权柄,从而重申其总体上管理经济的权利,尤其是生产过程。新自由主义所产生的政策将国家的作用从福利和平等的保证者转变为自由市场交换的促进者。支持新自由主义的人们理想化了雇主和工人之间自然自发,自愿和灵活的共识,从而提高了效率和生产力,使所有人受益。但是,现实是少数特权内部人员和一支由灵活的外部人员组成的庞大后备力量组成的一支分散的工作队伍。论文的第二部分是对墨西哥新自由主义的研究。我拒绝普遍用于解释1980年代中期政策从进口替代工业化向出口模式转变的经济危机解释。相反,我认为,发展话语的转变是政治精英维持民众共识的修辞工具。墨西哥发展模式从联邦区到美国-墨西哥边境的区域转移意味着,加工厂生产成为了灵活的工业化和劳资关系的新模式。劳动力市场的灵活性成为墨西哥政治和经济精英的目标,在1990年代初推动了公共部门的改革。考虑到这一点,我研究了拟议的劳动法改革,该改革将具体体现雇主与劳资关系的新自由主义愿景,并使国家脱离其作为双方之间的仲裁者的历史角色。我得出的结论是,政治精英在特定空间中使用了对劳动的胁迫,以重组国家共识和墨西哥社团主义国家。

著录项

  • 作者

    Kohout, Michal.;

  • 作者单位

    Clark University.;

  • 授予单位 Clark University.;
  • 学科 Geography.; Sociology Industrial and Labor Relations.; Economics Theory.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2004
  • 页码 236 p.
  • 总页数 236
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 自然地理学;社会学;经济学;
  • 关键词

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