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A political conception of asylum.

机译:政治避难的构想。

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摘要

Is there a normative justification for limiting asylum to persecuted people, and denying it to others whose need for admission---due to poverty, hunger, or generalized violence---may be just as urgent? This thesis offers a defense of the current law's persecution requirement by calling attention to asylum's political, as opposed to humanitarian, function.;The thesis begins by offering an account of asylum's historical role. Drawing primarily on Greek and early modern sources, I find that asylum functioned as a grant of immunity against another state's illegitimate exercise of authority. Granting asylum therefore required states to make critical substantive judgments about another state's treatment of its citizens. The persecution criterion evolved against this historical backdrop.;I offer two arguments for continuing to limit asylum to persecuted people. First, asylum provides its recipients with a political good: membership in the state of refuge. This distinguishes asylum from other important refugee policies, such as temporary protection and in situ relief, which provide only protection and succor. I maintain that persecuted people have a moral priority to the type of relief that asylum uniquely offers, insofar as their standing as members in their home state has been repudiated.;Second, asylum has a politically valuable expressive dimension: granting asylum to a refugee communicates condemnation of her country of origin. It therefore serves as a law-level sanction against abusive regimes, and serves to warn those regimes that more coercive sanctions may be forthcoming. Limiting asylum to persecuted people preserves its expressive dimension; expanding eligibility to include other needy people dilutes it.;The argument of the thesis has important implications for a non-ideal liberal theory of immigration, suggesting a need for a more fine-grained analysis of refugee policy than liberal theorists have offered thus far. Such a theory must differentiate among various refugee admissions programs by taking note of their different functions, and allocate refugees among these programs accordingly.
机译:是否存在规范性的理由来将庇护仅限于受迫害的人,并拒绝因贫穷,饥饿或普遍暴力而迫切需要庇护的其他人可能同样紧迫?本论文通过提请注意庇护的政治职能而不是人道主义职能,为当前法律的迫害要求辩护。论文首先介绍了庇护的历史作用。我主要借鉴希腊和早期现代资料,发现庇护是对另一个国家非法行使权力的豁免权。因此,准予庇护要求各州对另一国对其公民的待遇作出重要的实质性判断。迫害标准是在这种历史背景下演变的。我提出了两个论点,以继续将庇护限于受迫害的人。首先,庇护为其接受者提供了政治上的好处:成为庇护国的成员。这将庇护与其他重要的难民政策区分开来,例如临时保护和就地救济,后者仅提供保护和援助。我坚持认为,就被迫害的人而言,庇护所独特地提供的救济在道义上要优先考虑,因为他们在其本国的地位已被否决。谴责她的原籍国。因此,它是对虐待政权的法律级制裁,并警告那些政权可能即将实施更强硬的制裁。将庇护限于受迫害的人,可以保留其表达能力;论文的论点对非理想的自由主义移民理论具有重要的意义,表明有必要对难民政策进行比迄今为止自由主义理论家所提供的更细粒度的分析。这种理论必须通过注意难民收容计划的不同功能来区分它们,并在这些计划中相应地分配难民。

著录项

  • 作者

    Price, Matthew Eben.;

  • 作者单位

    Harvard University.;

  • 授予单位 Harvard University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Law.;Philosophy.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2005
  • 页码 307 p.
  • 总页数 307
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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