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Mere Civility: Toleration and its Limits in Early Modern England and America.

机译:纯粹的文明:近代英格兰和美国的宽容及其局限性。

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摘要

Civility and toleration are often linked as necessary virtues in liberal democracies that promise to protect religious diversity while allowing for active, often heated, disagreement in the public sphere. Yet the meaning of these concepts, as well as the relationship between them, is rarely adequately developed. What, exactly, is "civility," and how does it relate to "toleration"?;This dissertation explores the ways in which these concepts have been deployed both in early modern and contemporary debates about how to manage the tension between religious difference and the "uncivil" disagreements to which it can give rise. In early modern England and New England, the concept of civility was invoked in familiar ways---as the social rules of respectful behavior or "civil worship" and as a conversational virtue meant to mediate and moderate disagreement between individuals willing to observe them.;Proponents of religious toleration like Roger Williams, John Locke, and---in his own, distinctive way---Thomas Hobbes could all agree that, in a tolerating society, "civility" would be necessary to govern the expression of religious difference so that disagreements might remain peaceful and productive. Yet they disagreed profoundly as to what civility entailed and how it should be enforced. Was it simply a negative duty to abstain from insult, or something more positive? Would the "mere" civility of outward performances suffice, or did "true" civility demand sincerity? As for enforcement---did religious freedom demand the bridling of intolerant tongues through law? Or should a tolerant society tolerate incivility, too? Understanding these thinkers' different answers to these questions in turn helps to illuminate their disagreements as to the proper ethical and institutional character of "toleration," as well as where its limits should lie.;The dissertation is divided into five chapters. The introduction discusses the popular preoccupation with incivility, partisanship, and religious insult in liberal democracies today then situates the present inquiry in recent revisionist treatments of the history of toleration and its importance for the development of liberal political thought. Chapter one turns to early modern toleration debates and details the role played therein by similar concerns about heated disagreement, sectarianism, and so-called "persecution of the tongue"---as well as attempts to ban it through religious insult statutes much like modern hate speech laws.;The next three chapters offer detailed textual and contextual analyses of these concerns and consequent appeals to civility in the arguments of Williams, Hobbes, and Locke. Despite their many differences, these authors began alike from a shared understanding of human nature as inevitably partial and proud, hence prone to dangerously "heated" disagreement characterized by verbal persecution. The possibility of toleration thus hinged for each on what would be required, ethically and institutionally, to render religious disagreement "civil." The competing conceptions of civility they offered---as mere civility, civil silence, and civil charity respectively---set very different limits to religious expression and evangelical competition, in turn.;The fifth chapter applies insights from this historical analysis in a critical examination of analogous appeals to civility and toleration in contemporary political theory. Following Rawls, some theorists invoke civility in arguments about public reason, while others stress the negative effects of uncivil speech on diversity, dignity, and democratic deliberation. Generally, these accounts have something more than Roger Williams's mere civility---a minimal conformity to social rules of respectful behavior consistent with (and sometimes expressive of) disrespect, disapproval, even disgust for others and their beliefs---in mind. Indeed, their robust visions of mutual respect, recognition, and political friendship can make this explicitly evangelical conception seem grudging and weak, even intolerant, by comparison.;Nevertheless, much like the alternative conceptions of civil silence and civil charity developed by Hobbes and Locke these positive visions often seek to suppress fundamental disagreements or else to exclude as "uncivil" those who fail to affirm an overlapping consensus on a secular liberal creed. In this, mutual respect and recognition are lofty and attractive---albeit exclusive---ideals redolent of early modern notions of concordia or concord, rather than mere tolerantia..;In the conclusion, I argue that mere civility, like toleration, accommodates more and deeper kinds of difference than these alternatives, while also sustaining a commitment to diversity and disagreement through the liberal connection between religious freedom and free speech. Although it will not satisfy those for whom "civil evangelism" seems a contradiction in terms, Williams's example demonstrates that maintaining even mere civility in the face of prolonged and profound disagreement on fundamental questions can be a difficult undertaking. Yet, I argue, it remains an eminently worthy aspiration.
机译:文明与宽容经常被作为自由民主国家的必要美德联系在一起,这些民主国家承诺保护宗教多样性,同时允许在公共领域发生积极的,经常是激烈的分歧。然而,这些概念的含义以及它们之间的关系很少得到充分发展。究竟什么是“文明”,它与“宽容”有什么关系?;本论文探讨了在早期现代和当代关于如何处理宗教差异与宗教之间的紧张关系的辩论中,如何运用这些概念。它可能引起“非文明”分歧。在近代早期的英格兰和新英格兰,文明的概念是以熟悉的方式被引用的:作为尊重行为或“民间敬拜”的社会规则,以及作为一种对话美德,旨在调解和缓和愿意观察它们的个人之间的分歧。 ;宗教宽容的支持者,例如罗杰·威廉姆斯,约翰·洛克,以及-以他自己独特的方式-托马斯·霍布斯都可以同意,在宽容的社会中,“文明”对于统治宗教差异的表达必不可少这样分歧就可以保持和平与富有成效。但是,他们对文明意味着什么以及如何执行文明有着深刻的分歧。放弃侮辱仅仅是消极的义务,还是更积极的事情?外向表演的“纯粹”文明是否足够,还是“真实”的文明要求诚意?至于执法-宗教自由是否要求通过法律桥接不宽容的语言?还是一个宽容的社会也应该容忍不文明?进而理解这些思想家对这些问题的不同答案,有助于阐明他们对“宽容”的适当的道德和制度特征以及应在何处限制的分歧。本论文分为五章。引言部分讨论了当今人们对自由民主的普遍关注,包括对不文明行为,游击党和宗教的侮辱,然后将当前的询问置于对宽容历史及其对自由政治思想发展的重要性的最新修正主义治疗中。第一章讨论了早期的现代宽容辩论,并详细说明了类似的担忧,如激烈的分歧,宗派主义和所谓的“迫害舌头”,以及在试图通过类似于现代的宗教侮辱法令禁止它的过程中所起的作用。仇恨言论法律。;接下来的三章将对这些问题以及威廉姆斯,霍布斯和洛克的论点对文明的诉求进行详细的文本和语境分析。尽管存在许多分歧,但这些作者还是从对人性的共同理解开始,这种理解不可避免地是局部的和自豪的,因此容易遭受以言语迫害为特征的危险的“激烈”分歧。因此,宽容的可能性取决于每个人的道德和制度上的要求,以使宗教分歧成为“民事”。他们提供的相互竞争的文明概念-分别是单纯的文明,公民沉默和公民慈善-依次对宗教表达和福音派竞争设定了非常不同的限制。第五章将这一历史分析的见解应用于对当代政治理论中对文明和宽容的类似诉求的批判性考察。在罗尔斯之后,一些理论家在关于公共理性的争论中援引文明,而另一些理论家则强调不文明言论对多样性,尊严和民主审议的负面影响。通常,这些说明比罗杰·威廉姆斯(Roger Williams)的纯文明礼貌要多-一种与尊重行为的社会规则的最小一致性,这种行为与(有时表现为)对他人及其信仰的不尊重,不赞成甚至是厌恶相一致(-表示)。的确,相较之下,他们对相互尊重,承认和政治友谊的敏锐见解可以使这种明确的福音派观念显得有些残酷,虚弱甚至不容忍;然而,就像霍布斯和洛克提出的关于公民沉默和公民慈善的另类观念一样这些积极的看法经常试图压制根本的分歧,或者将那些未能肯定世俗的自由主义共识的人视为“不文明的”。在这种情况下,相互尊重和承认是崇高和有吸引力的-尽管是排他性的-理想地重现了早期的协和或一致的观念,而不是宽容。.总之,我认为,仅仅是宽容,像宽容,与这些替代方案相比,它能容纳更多和更深层次的差异,同时通过宗教自由和言论自由之间的自由联系,也保持了对多样性和分歧的承诺。尽管它不能满足那些“民间传福音”看来在矛盾上的人威廉姆斯的例子表明,面对长期而深刻的根本问题分歧,即使保持文明也很难。但是,我认为,这仍然是一个非常值得的愿望。

著录项

  • 作者

    Bejan, Teresa Mia.;

  • 作者单位

    Yale University.;

  • 授予单位 Yale University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;History United States.;History European.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2013
  • 页码 497 p.
  • 总页数 497
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:41:08

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