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China: Strategic partner or stronger-than-ever rival to the US?

机译:中国:是美国的战略伙伴还是比以往更强大的竞争对手?

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摘要

In the new millennium, rather than behaving as "strategic partner" to the US as claimed in the Bush Administration's post-9/11 rhetoric, China has continued to act in its own national interest---sometimes in direct opposition to US interests. Stronger-than-ever rival may be a more appropriate definition, as is evident in China's approaches to its own economic growth and pursuit of reliable energy resources, as well as in its policies toward security and its increasing use of diplomacy. China's concern for US interests and for warming Sino-US relations in general seems incidental since the foes (old and new) of the US are increasingly the friends of the People's Republic of China (PRC). If the US is indeed a hegemon in decline, China then, is watching. The economic boom in the Middle Kingdom has created benefits for both the US and China, yet has also begotten environmental devastation and macroeconomic concerns. The sustainability of this growth is vulnerable to a number of political and social factors. One of these factors includes reliable access to resources, as China has become second only to the US in energy consumption. The geostrategic nature of oil-rich regions intensifies competition for the much sought-after resource. Security is another realm of competition (manifested in US hedging practices against the growth of the PLA in Asia) though peppered with arenas of cooperation such as the denuclearization of the DPRK and---if only rhetorically---the War on Terror, jargon from which Beijing has adopted to legitimize its domestic campaigns against ethnic groups. China's use of diplomacy and soft power seems quasi-infinite and analysts warn the US to harness its own soft power. Insights from realism, liberalism, and constructivism can combine to predict that---assuming sustained Chinese development and declining US hegemony---in an era of increased competition, and through established international institutions, the two states will attempt to advance national interests borne from the perceptions of policy-making elites and changing national identities; all accomplished in an environment where increased competition does not necessarily beget conflict and more-and-more actors and their socially-constructed belief systems oscillate in---and vie for---importance.
机译:在新的千年中,中国没有像布什政府在9/11以后的言论中那样成为美国的“战略伙伴”,而是继续为自己的国家利益行事-有时是直接反对美国的利益。比以往任何时候都强的竞争对手可能是一个更合适的定义,这在中国实现自身经济增长和追求可靠能源的方法,以及其安全政策和外交手段的日益使用中就显而易见。由于美国的敌人(新老)越来越成为中华人民共和国(PRC)的朋友,中国对美国利益和总体中美关系的担忧似乎是偶然的。如果美国确实是衰落的霸主,那么中国在注视。中东王国的经济繁荣为美国和中国创造了好处,但也引发了环境破坏和宏观经济问题。这种增长的可持续性容易受到许多政治和社会因素的影响。这些因素之一包括可靠的资源获取,因为中国在能源消耗方面已仅次于美国。石油资源丰富的地区的地缘战略性质加剧了对抢手资源的竞争。安全是竞争的另一个境界(体现在美国对亚洲解放军成长的对冲做法中),尽管在诸如朝鲜无核化以及(如果只是用言辞的话)反恐战争,专业术语等合作领域中,安全是竞争的另一个领域。北京已通过该法案将其针对种族的国内运动合法化。中国对外交和软实力的使用似乎是无限的,分析人士警告美国,要利用自己的软实力。来自现实主义,自由主义和建构主义的见解可以结合起来预测-假设中国持续的发展和美国霸权地位的下降-在竞争日益激烈的时代,通过建立的国际机构,两国将努力促进两国承担的国家利益从决策精英的观念和不断变化的民族身份出发;所有这些都是在竞争日益激烈并不一定会引起冲突的环境中实现的,越来越多的参与者及其社会建构的信仰体系在(或争夺)重要性中摇摆不定。

著录项

  • 作者

    Combs, Todd.;

  • 作者单位

    Webster University.;

  • 授予单位 Webster University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 M.A.
  • 年度 2008
  • 页码 153 p.
  • 总页数 153
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;国际法;
  • 关键词

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