A number of researchers claim that the derivation of the Right Dislocation Construction (RDC) involves movement (e.g., Chung, 2012, for Korean; Ott & de Vries, 2012, 2015, for Dutch and German; Tanaka, 2001 and Abe, 2004, for Japanese; Whitman, 2000, for English, Japanese, and Korean). However, the RDC in English does not obey movement constraints such as the Coordinate Structure Constraint and the Left Branch Condition; that is, there are acceptable sentences that seem to violate these movement constraints. This suggests that the derivation of the English RDC should not involve movement. The present paper demonstrates that some syntactic properties of the English RDC can be explained instead through the interaction of independently motivated parsing strategies with a licensing condition for adjoined elements.
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