首页> 外文会议>Aftermaths of war : Women's movements and female activists, 1918-1923 >SISTERS AND COMRADES. WOMEN'S MOVEMENTSAND THE 'AUSTRIAN REVOLUTION': GENDER ININSURRECTION, THE RATE MOVEMENT, PARTIESAND PARLIAMENT
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SISTERS AND COMRADES. WOMEN'S MOVEMENTSAND THE 'AUSTRIAN REVOLUTION': GENDER ININSURRECTION, THE RATE MOVEMENT, PARTIESAND PARLIAMENT

机译:姐妹们和同志。妇女运动和“奥地利革命”:性别无节制,运动率,政党和议会

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The end of woman-specific, cross-party intervention coincided with the end of the short-lived Austrian First Republic, where, as one gender-specific aspect of the Austrian Revolution, women were granted formal political equality. The "new world", however, did not bring a profound transformation of gender relations. Nor was this a broad political goal of the revolution. The Rate movement in particular failed to confront issues of female emancipation or even flagging female participation in councils' elections. As citizens, women not only "compete[d] with man for his world," as Margarethe Susman put it, but, first and foremost, competed "within" a male world. Female participation in institutionalised politics met with defensiveness and irritation. However, the power of gender as a constructive category - deeply ingrained in the structure of bourgeois modernity - continued to limit female access to important political spaces. For strategic reasons, female activists in the First Republic identified themselves as representatives of women's interests and as women's politicians. Women parliamentarians lived the "feminist paradox"48 that dominated the modern emancipatory women's movement from the beginning: they criticised the construction of presumed female characteristics, and struggled to transform hierarchical gender relations based on such a construction - yet at the same time "being a woman" and having a collective female experience constituted the basis for their committed politics "from a woman's point of view" and "in the name of all women". At a maximum of only twelve in the National Assembly between 1920 and 1923, the number of women in parliament in the First Republic might seem low. However, we would have to reconsider this assumption when we remember that it took the Second Austrian Republic until 1978 to reach the figure of twelve female delegates in its National Assembly.
机译:特定于妇女的跨党派干预的结束与短暂的奥地利第一共和国的终结同时进行,作为奥地利革命的一个特定于性别的方面,赋予了妇女正式的政治平等。但是,“新世界”并没有带来性别关系的深刻变化。这也不是革命的广泛政治目标。率运动尤其未能解决女性解放的问题,甚至无法标志女性参加议会选举。作为公民,女性不仅像玛格丽特·苏斯曼(Margarethe Susman)所说的那样,“与男人争夺男人的世界”,而且最重要的是,它在男性世界中“竞争”。女性参与制度化政治遇到防御和刺激。但是,性别作为建设性类别的力量-在资产阶级现代性结构中根深蒂固-继续限制女性进入重要的政治空间。出于战略原因,第一共和国的女性激进主义者自称是妇女利益的代表和妇女的政治人物。女议员从一开始就生活在统治着现代解放妇女运动的“女权主义悖论”中:他们批评假定的女性特征的建构,并在这种建构的基础上努力转变等级的性别关系,但与此同时“女人”和具有集体女性经验构成“从女人的角度”和“以所有女人的名义”致力于政治的基础。在1920至1923年国民议会中最多只有十二名议员,第一共和国议会中的妇女人数似乎很少。但是,当我们记得第二奥地利共和国直到1978年才在其国民议会中达到十二名女性代表的人数时,我们将不得不重新考虑这一假设。

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