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The Securitisation of Climate Change in the Australian political-military sector with a comparison to the United States

机译:与美国相比,澳大利亚政治军事部门的气候变化安全化

摘要

This thesis comparatively examines the process of climate securitisation within the Australian and United States (US) political-military sectors between 2003 – 2013. Drawing on established securitisation frameworks (―Copenhagen‖ and ―Paris‖ Schools), the thesis used a combination of software-assisted techniques and manual qualitative content analysis to systematically analyse more than 3,500 speech-acts and strategic policies. Analysis focused on how the political-military sectors contextually and temporally framed climate change and identified which areas of the political-military bureaucracies were active in their climate response. The research found that the Australian Defence Force (ADF) was not a climate-securitising actor and that its response to climate change was mediated by the heightened politicisation of climate change. Unlike the US, the ADF failed to adopt substantive climate responses and this led to a minimalist climate strategy. The thesis argues that, in Australia, this constituted a strategic blind spot and identified the difficulties of an avowedly apolitical institution responding to a politically partisan security issue. This situation contrasted somewhat with the US, where a similarly divided body politic nevertheless united to legislate for the US military to analyse and prepare for the national security impacts of climate change. Given a degree of bi-partisan political authority to act, the US military undertook sweeping reviews that resulted in climate change becoming more mainstreamed than occurred in the ADF. By 2013, the US military had published a series of prominent climate change documents that represented the cornerstones of a more enduring strategic response. Beyond politics, the US military had other reasons to act beyond the expectations of the ADF. These included: increasing its force-posture in a climate changed Arctic; securing its global network of bases and infrastructure from climate change; and as an opportunity to consolidate its position as the pre-eminent global military power in an era of rapid environmental, socio-political and technological change. Through understanding the process of climate securitisation in the Defence sector, this thesis extends existing securitisation theory, proposes a new methodology for analysing speech-acts and provides a benchmark from which researchers, policy makers and strategic planners might develop more detailed and comprehensive climate responses.
机译:本文比较研究了2003年至2013年间澳大利亚和美国(军方)政治军事部门的气候证券化过程。基于既有的证券化框架(“哥本哈根”和“巴黎”学校),本文使用了软件组合辅助技术和手动定性内容分析,以系统地分析3500多个言语行为和战略政策。分析的重点是政治和军事部门如何在上下文和时间上框架气候变化,并确定了政治-军事官僚机构的哪些领域在应对气候变化方面很活跃。研究发现,澳大利亚国防军(ADF)并不是气候安全参与者,其对气候变化的反应是由气候变化的高度政治化所介导的。与美国不同,ADF没有采取实质性的气候应对措施,这导致了极简主义的气候战略。论文认为,在澳大利亚,这是一个战略盲点,并确定了一个公开宣称的非政治机构应对政治党派安全问题的困难。这种情况与美国形成了鲜明的对比,在美国,同样分裂的政治团体联合起来为美军立法以分析并为气候变化对国家安全的影响做准备。鉴于一定程度的两党政治权力采取行动,美国军方进行了广泛的审查,导致气候变化变得比民主力量同盟更为主流。到2013年,美国军方已经发布了一系列重要的气候变化文件,这些文件代表了更持久的战略对策的基石。除了政治之外,美军还有其他原因采取行动,超出了ADF的期望。其中包括:在气候变化的北极地区增加其部队的姿态;确保其全球基础和基础设施网络免受气候变化的影响;在当今环境,社会政治和技术日新月异的时代,这是巩固其在全球领先军事力量中地位的机会。通过理解国防部门的气候证券化过程,本文扩展了现有的证券化理论,提出了一种分析言语行为的新方法,并提供了一个基准,研究人员,政策制定者和战略规划者可以据此制定更详细,全面的气候应对措施。

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