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Powers and responsibilities : reforming NSW criminal investigation law

机译:职权:改革新南威尔士州刑事侦查法

摘要

The thesis is a historical study from a socio-legal perspective of debates about, and developments in, criminal investigation law in NSW since 1945. In that period, the NSW parliament has enacted extensive criminal investigation powers and safeguards. This can be seen as the result of the increasing political sensitivity of 'law and order'. Politicians have sought to exercise (and demonstrate) greater control over the criminal justice system. Legislation has been employed to provide a framework for police actions, and to define a role for others, including judges, magistrates and the Ombudsman.Political focus on law and order has also reversed the incentive structure for the police hierarchy. In the 1950s, there were strong incentives not to push for extra powers, lest policing practices and effectiveness receive unwanted scrutiny. In the 1970s, police were dragged into debate about their powers, in the face of the 'authorise and regulated' model suggested by numerous inquiries. More recently, police organisations have often initiated calls for new powers, in part to explain past failings.Another important factor driving debate and reform in recent decades has been the proliferation of oversight agencies, and academic insights that have debunked the 'rotten apple' paradigm. The Federal Government and Parliament have also been increasingly active in what would once have been considered purely State/Territory realms of criminal justice law and politics. These major influences have been coupled with a host of others, including the impact of a series of Royal Commission and law reform reports, the ongoing war on drugs, and the campaign against police verbals in the 1970s and 1980s.The examination of the forces that have influenced debate and reform yields other insights. For example, the complexity of the phenomenon of 'non-reform' is apparent from an examination of debates about policing in the 1950s. Prevailing trends in law and order politics (eg, that populist politics supports additional powers) can be seen to be anchored in the contemporary political context rather than being timeless truths. The multiple roles of law, in governing relationships between state agencies and actors, not just between police and suspects, are also highlighted.
机译:本文是从1945年以来新南威尔士州关于刑事侦查法的辩论和发展的社会法律角度进行的历史研究。在此期间,新南威尔士州议会制定了广泛的刑事侦查权和保障措施。这可以看作是对“法律与秩序”的政治敏感性日益增强的结果。政客们试图对刑事司法系统行使(并证明)更大的控制权。立法已被用来提供警察行动的框架,并为其他人(包括法官,治安法官和监察员)定义角色。对法律和秩序的政治关注也扭转了警察等级制度的激励结构。在1950年代,有强烈的动机不推动额外的权力,以免警务实践和有效性受到不必要的审查。在1970年代,面对众多询问提出的“授权和规范”模式,警察被卷入了有关其权力的辩论。最近,警察组织经常呼吁建立新的权力,部分是为了解释过去的失败。推动辩论和改革的另一重要因素是监督机构的激增,以及学术见解使“烂苹果”范式化为泡影。 。联邦政府和议会在曾经被纯粹视为刑事司法法律和政治的州/领地领域也日益活跃。这些主要影响与其他许多影响相结合,包括一系列皇家委员会和法律改革报告的影响,持续的毒品战争以及1970年代和1980年代反对警察口头的运动。影响了辩论,改革产生了其他见解。例如,“不改革”现象的复杂性从对1950年代维持治安的辩论中可以明显看出。法律和秩序政治的普遍趋势(例如,民粹主义政治支持其他权力)可以被视为锚定在当代政治环境中,而不是永恒的真理。还强调了法律在管理国家机构与行为者之间的关系中不仅在警察与犯罪嫌疑人之间的多重作用。

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