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The Inverse Agreement Constraint in Uralic languages

机译:乌拉尔语的逆协议约束

摘要

The paper aims to answer the question why object–verb agreement is blocked inudHungarian, Tundra Nenets, Selkup, and Nganasan if the object is a first orudsecond person pronoun. Based on Dalrymple & Nikolaeva (2011), it is arguedudthat object–verb agreement serves (or served historically) to mark the secondaryudtopic status of the object. The gaps in object-verb agreement can be derivedudfrom the Inverse Agreement Constraint, a formal, semantically unmotivatedudconstraint observed by Comrie (1980) in Chukchee, Koryak and Kamchadal,udforbidding object-verb agreement if the object is more ʻanimate’ than theudsubject: The paper claims that the Inverse Agreement Constraint is a constraintudon information structure. What it requires is that a secondary topic be lessudtopical than the primary topic. An object more topical than the primary topicudcan only figure as a focus. A version of the constraint can also explain whyudHungarian first and second person objects have no accusative suffix, and whyudaccusative marking is optional in the case of objects having a first or secondudperson possessor.
机译:本文旨在回答为什么宾语是第一人称或第二人称代词时,匈牙利语,苔原Nenets,Selkup和Nganasan中的宾语动词协定受到阻碍的问题。根据Dalrymple和Nikolaeva(2011)的观点,有人争辩说,宾语动词服务于(或历史性地)用来标记宾语的次要 udtopic状态。宾语动词一致性的差距可以从逆协议约束中推导出来,ud是Comrie(1980)在Chukchee,Koryak和Kamchadal中观察到的一种形式上的,语义上没有动机的 ud约束。比“主题”:本文声称“逆协议约束”是约束“乌冬”信息结构。它要求的是次要主题要比主要主题少 udtopical。比主要主题更具主题性的对象 ud只能作为焦点。约束的一种形式也可以解释为什么匈牙利第一人称和第二人称对象没有宾格后缀,为什么在具有第一或第二人称拥有者的情况下 udaccusative标记是可选的。

著录项

  • 作者

    É. Kiss Katalin;

  • 作者单位
  • 年度 2013
  • 总页数
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 {"code":"en","name":"English","id":9}
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