首页> 外文OA文献 >Virtuous violence : a social identity approach to understanding the politics of prejudice in inter-group relations
【2h】

Virtuous violence : a social identity approach to understanding the politics of prejudice in inter-group relations

机译:良性暴力:一种理解群体间关系中偏见政治的社会认同方法

摘要

The aim of the thesis is to provide a social identity account of the politics of mobilisation: based on hatred mostly, in contrast with accounts of solidarity. The bulk of the thesis concentrates on exploring how and why is prejudice in the form of hatred mobilised in inter-group relations. Three studies parse the structure of hate discourse of Hindu right-wing groups in India. Study 1 and study 2 are qualitative studies that analyse the production of hate in two mediums of communication, while study 3 is an experimental study demonstrating the reception of hate. The studies analyse the structure of hate discourse with the theoretical lens of a social identity framework to explicate a context of categories and category-relations, while colouring in the contents of the categories with data from India. The first contention is, if a virtuous in-group can be construed as under threat from an out-group, then, the annihilation of the other can be justified as the defence of virtue. In the other words, violence becomes virtuous. The second contention is, the process that motivates out-group hate discourse derives from struggles over intra-group authority. That is, out-group threats are invoked in order to condemn political rivals for in-group power as not representing the group and not defending group interests. This sets up the foil for the leader to position ‘self’ as the ideal leader who protects and represents the in-group, while undermining the credibility of the political rival. Study 4 is a qualitative study analysing counter-hegemonic discourse on mobilisations against the rhetoric of hatred. Taken together, the first 3 studies argue that hatred is not an inherent feature of individuals or a natural fall-out of inter-group processes, it is mobilised for specific political aims. The fourth study looks at the dimensions with which other leaders counteract the politics of hate; when hatred can be mobilised, so can solidarity. The theoretical implications and limitations have been discussed.
机译:本文的目的是提供一个关于动员政治的社会身份描述:与仇恨相比,主要基于仇恨。本文的大部分内容集中于探讨如何以及为什么在群体间关系中动员仇恨的形式产生偏见。三项研究分析了印度印度右翼团体的仇恨言论结构。研究1和研究2是定性研究,分析了在两种传播媒介中仇恨的产生,而研究3是表明接受仇恨的实验研究。这些研究使用社会认同框架的理论视角来分析仇恨话语的结构,以阐明类别和类别关系的上下文,同时使用来自印度的数据为类别的内容着色。第一个论点是,如果可以将一个良性的内部群体解释为受到外部群体的威胁,那么可以将另一方的an灭作为捍卫美德的理由。换句话说,暴力变得良善。第二个争论是,激发群体仇恨言论的过程源于对群体内部权威的斗争。也就是说,援引集团外威胁是为了谴责政治竞争对手争取集团内权力,因为他们不代表集团,也不捍卫集团利益。这为领导者树立了标杆,将“自我”定位为保护并代表集团内部的理想领导者,同时破坏了政治对手的信誉。研究4是定性研究,分析了关于动员反对仇恨言论的反霸权话语。综上所述,前三项研究认为,仇恨不是个人的固有特征,也不是群体间进程的自然产物,仇恨是为特定的政治目的而动员的。第四项研究着眼于其他领导人抵制仇恨政治的层面。当仇恨可以动员时,团结也可以动员起来。理论意义和局限性已经讨论过。

著录项

  • 作者

    Rath Rakshi;

  • 作者单位
  • 年度 2016
  • 总页数
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 en
  • 中图分类

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号