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Power players in biodiversity policy: Insights from international and domestic forest biodiversity initiatives in Bangladesh from 1992 to 2013

机译:生物多样性政策中的重要角色:1992年至2013年孟加拉国国际和国内森林生物多样性举措的见解

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摘要

Introducing new biodiversity policies raises questions ripe for political analysis, such as: (i) How effective are these policies on the ground? (ii) Which actors benefit from them the most? The latter question implies that potential beneficiaries of the policies will exist within both civil society and the state agencies commissioned to formulate, implement, and evaluate them. These policy tasks, assigned to specific agencies, have an influence on the organizations' strength. According to bureaucratic politics theory, state agencies in a certain issue area will compete for assigned policy tasks, which in turn increase their position, reputation, and power within the government. In developing countries, foreign donor agencies, with their own policies and influential development projects, also get involved in this power struggle. Hence, this study focuses on analyzing which state agencies gain power vis-a-vis other relevant agencies in forest biodiversity policy, using Bangladesh as an example. In doing so, we combine the concepts of power elements from power theory with bureaucratic politics theory and the policy process. We use qualitative in-depth data from 102 domestic and donor-driven forest biodiversity initiatives in Bangladesh from 1992 to 2013. For each initiative, we identify all strategic tasks assigned to specific agencies, group the tasks into three categories, and make inferences about the related power gains for a specific bureaucracy. The results indicate that individual bureaucracies may gain and lose power over time due to the observed forest biodiversity policy initiatives. Among them, for example, the line and key ministries (e.g., forest, planning, and finance) outside of the forestry professionals gain coercive power over time. However, the technical forest- and environment-related agencies (i.e., forest and environment departments) gain incentive and informational power, but lose coercive power over time. Our analysis suggests that in policy practice knowledge about the distribution of power among the multiple competing bureaucracies in a specific issue area is crucial as it sets the limits and directions of a country's policy. Theory-wise, we conclude that not only are the line ministries responsible for a specific issue area crucial coalition partners in any policy intervention, but that some key bureaucracies hold the crucial power resources necessary for any successful intervention. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
机译:引入新的生物多样性政策引起了政治分析的成熟问题,例如:(i)这些政策在当地的效果如何? (ii)哪些演员从中受益最大?后一个问题意味着该政策的潜在受益者将存在于民间社会和受命制定,实施和评估这些政策的国家机构内。这些分配给特定机构的政策任务会影响组织的实力。根据官僚政治理论,某个问题领域的国家机构将竞争分配的政策任务,从而增加其在政府中的地位,声誉和权力。在发展中国家,外国捐助机构以自己的政策和有影响力的发展项目也参与了这场权力斗争。因此,本研究着重分析哪些国家机构在森林生物多样性政策中相对于其他相关机构获得了权力。在此过程中,我们将权力理论中的权力要素概念与官僚政治理论和政策过程相结合。我们使用了1992年至2013年孟加拉国102项由家庭和捐赠者推动的森林生物多样性倡议的定性深入数据。对于每项倡议,我们都确定了分配给特定机构的所有战略任务,将这些任务分为三类,并对特定官僚机构的相关权力获取。结果表明,由于观察到的森林生物多样性政策举措,各个官僚机构可能会随着时间的流逝获得和失去权力。其中,例如,林业专业人士以外的主管部门和关键部门(例如,森林,规划和财政部门)会随着时间的推移获得强制性权力。但是,与森林和环境有关的技术机构(即森林和环境部门)获得了激励和信息权,但随着时间的流逝失去了强制力。我们的分析表明,在政策实践中,有关特定问题区域内多个相互竞争的官僚机构之间​​权力分配的知识至关重要,因为它确定了国家政策的界限和方向。从理论上讲,我们得出的结论是,在任何政策干预中,负责特定问题领域的部委不仅是关键的合作伙伴,而且某些关键官僚机构拥有任何成功干预所必需的关键权力资源。 (C)2016 Elsevier Ltd.保留所有权利。

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