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The emergence of regional economies in China and its implications, with special reference to Hong Kong and Guangdong

机译:中国区域经济的兴起及其影响,特别涉及香港和广东

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China's continental physical expanse has been a dominant, shaping influence of its political, social and economic development throughout its modern history. Thanks to its relative ethnic homogeneity, as well as the absence of political reform, it has - unlike the former Soviet Union - preserved its unity as a state. Nevertheless, regionalism remains a powerful counterpoint to centralisation in China. In particular, under the impact of post-1978 economic reforms, differentials and tensions between provinces and regions have emerged as a potent force, threatening the authority and power of Beijing. This article begins by seeking to explore some of the regional forms in which economic change has manifested itself during the last two decades. It highlights the unique problems faced by an economy that is still in transition in a country as large as China. Brief consideration is also given to the wider regional context in which China is sometimes placed as the central player - namely, that of 'Greater China'. At the heart of the article is a case study that examines the evolution of a particular kind of regionalism, captured in the economic integration – even symbiosis - between Hong Kong and Guangdong. The question is addressed whether the form of regionalism contained within the forging of an ever-closer economic relationship between these two areas of South China can be a model for the integration of other regions both within and across China's national boundaries. Hong Kong's transformation from a tiny, dependent, colonial enclave into one of the most successful economies in the world is one of the most remarkable stories of post-World War II economic history. During the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong's growth record was unmatched anywhere else in the world. But by the beginning of the 1980s, high land rents and spiralling wages started to erode the international competitiveness that had been the basis of Hong Kong's previous economic success. By a happy coincidence, however, the emergence of such pressures coincided with the opening of China to the outside world. China's 'open door' policy thereby made available to Hong Kong entrepreneurs a huge, hitherto untapped reservoir of cheap labour and gave them access to inexpensive factory sites just across the border in Guangdong. It was a lifeline to which they responded eagerly and, through the relocation of their factories, provided the means whereby Hong Kong manufacturers discovered a new lease of life. The benefits associated with this process accrued not only to Hong Kong through the regeneration of its manufacturing industry. Rather, it was a two-way process that also facilitated economic growth, structural transformation and improvements in living standards in Guangdong (above all, in the Pearl River Delta). In short, the process became the basis of deepening integration between the economies of the two regions. Indeed, it was the key element in the emergence of a new regional economic grouping, known as 'Greater China' - an informal triangular partnership between Hong Kong, Taiwan and two southern Chinese provinces (Guangdong and Fujian). The emergence of 'Greater China' can be regarded as a particular manifestation of the coastal bias that has so strongly characterised China's economic trajectory under reform. To this day, the triangular economic nexus between Hong Kong, Taiwan and South China remains an important dimension of China's external economic relations, even if developments in other coastal provinces have caused it to weaken. To what extent recent and future developments have challenged and will continue to challenge the regionalism inherent in the original notion of Greater China is something that deserves close attention. Not least, the strategic initiative of opening up China's western regions poses interesting and important questions that touch on future developments of 'trans-nationalism' and 'trans-regionalism' affecting China.
机译:在整个近代历史中,中国大陆的自然扩张一直是其政治,社会和经济发展的主要影响因素。由于其相对的种族同质性以及缺乏政治改革,与前苏联不同,它保持了作为一个国家的统一。尽管如此,区域主义仍然是中国集权化的有力对策。特别是在1978年后经济改革的影响下,各省和地区之间的差异和紧张关系已成为一种强大的力量,威胁着北京的权威和力量。本文首先探讨了在过去二十年中经济变化已显现出来的一些区域形式。它突显了在像中国这样大的国家中,仍处于转型中的经济体所面临的独特问题。还简要考虑了有时将中国作为中心角色的更广泛的地区背景,即“大中华”的背景。本文的核心是一个案例研究,考察了一种特殊的区域主义的演变,这种变化在香港与广东之间的经济一体化,甚至共生中得到了体现。这个问题得到解决,即在华南这两个地区之间日益紧密的经济关系的建立中所包含的区域主义形式是否可以成为中国国界内外的其他地区一体化的典范。香港从一个微小的,依赖的殖民地飞地转变为世界上最成功的经济体之一,是二战后经济史上最杰出的故事之一。在1960年代和1970年代,香港的增长记录是世界其他任何地方都无法比拟的。但是到了1980年代初,高昂的地租和不断上涨的工资开始侵蚀国际竞争力,而国际竞争力一直是香港先前取得经济成功的基础。然而,碰巧的是,这些压力的出现与中国向外界开放相吻合。因此,中国的“门户开放”政策为香港企业家提供了一个庞大的,迄今尚未开发的廉价劳动力资源库,并使他们能够进入广东省边境的廉价工厂。他们热切地响应这条生命线,并通过工厂的搬迁,为香港制造商发现新的生命提供了手段。这一过程带来的好处不仅通过香港的制造业复兴而获得。相反,这是一个双向过程,它也促进了广东省(尤其是珠江三角洲)的经济增长,结构转型和生活水平的提高。简而言之,这一进程成为加深两个地区经济一体化的基础。的确,这是一个新的区域经济集团(称为“大中华”)崛起的关键要素,该集团是香港,台湾和中国南方两个省(广东和福建)之间的非正式三角伙伴关系。 “大中华区”的出现可以看作是沿海偏见的一种特殊表现,这种偏见强烈地刻画了改革中中国的经济轨迹。时至今日,香港,台湾和华南地区之间的三角经济联系仍然是中国对外经济关系的重要方面,即使其他沿海省份的事态发展削弱了它。当前和未来的发展在多大程度上已经挑战并将继续挑战大中华区原始概念固有的区域主义,这一点值得密切关注。尤其重要的是,开放中国西部地区的战略举措提出了有趣而重要的问题,触及了影响中国的“跨民族主义”和“跨区域主义”的未来发展。

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