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Exploring the Repeated Name Penalty and the Overt Pronoun Penalty in Spanish

机译:在西班牙语中探索重复的名称惩罚和外观代词惩罚

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Abstract Anaphoric expressions such as repeated names, overt pronouns, and null pronouns serve a major role in the creation and maintenance of discourse coherence. The felicitous use of an anaphoric expression is highly dependent on the discourse salience of the entity introduced by the antecedent. Gordon et al. (Cogn Sci 17:311–347, 1993) showed that, in English, sentences containing repeated names were read more slowly than corresponding sentences containing pronouns when the antecedent of the anaphoric expression was the subject of the previous sentence. This effect was dubbed the Repeated Name Penalty (RNP), and it was further found that this processing delay is eliminated if the antecedent of the anaphoric expression is the object of the previous sentence. The RNP was later extended to Mandarin Chinese (Yang et al. in Lang Cogn Process 14:715–743, 1999) and to Spanish (Gelormini-Lezama and Almor in Lang Cogn Process 26(3):437–454, 2011), which suggests that this might be a universal phenomenon. Moreover, the Spanish results showed an additional effect: sentences containing overt pronouns were read more slowly than corresponding sentences containing null pronouns when the antecedent of the anaphoric expression was the subject of the previous sentence. This effect was dubbed the Overt Pronoun Penalty (OPP) and, like the original RNP, the effect is also eliminated if the antecedent is in object position (Gelormini-Lezama and Almor 2011; Gordon et?al. 1993). The similarity of the RNP and the OPP in Spanish suggests that these two processing phenomena might be caused by the same underlying principles. This paper is a critical review of the literature on these processing delays in Spanish and an attempt to integrate the data in a unified framework. Specifically, and following pragmatic explanations like the Informational Load Hypothesis (Almor in Psychol Rev 106:748–765, 1999), the RNP and OPP in Spanish can be understood as superficial manifestations of an imbal
机译:摘要复发名称,公开代词和零代词等抽象表达式为语篇连贯性的创建和维护提供了重要作用。富有的视觉表达的使用高度依赖于前所未有的实体的话语显着性。 Gordon等人。 (Cogn SCI 17:311-347,1993)显示,在英语中,当赞助性表达的前一种句子是先前句子的主题时,读取包含重复名称的句子比包含代词的相应句子更慢。这种效果被称为重复的名称惩罚(RNP),并进一步发现,如果化学式表达的前述是前一句的对象,则消除了该处理延迟。 RNP后来延伸到普通话中文(杨等人。在Lang Cogn进程14:715-743,1999)和西班牙语(Gelormini-Lezama和Almor在Lang Cogn Process 26(3):437-454,2011),这表明这可能是一个普遍的现象。此外,西班牙语结果表明了额外的效果:含有公开代词的句子比当前后表达的前所是前一句的主题时比包含空名词的相应句子更慢。这种效果被称为外观代词惩罚(OPP),如原始RNP,如果先行者处于对象位置(Gelormini-Lezama和Almor 2011; Gordon等,1993),也会消除效果。 SPAMIS的RNP和OPP的相似性表明,这两个处理现象可能是由相同的潜在原则引起的。本文是对西班牙语中这些处理延误的文献的关键审查,并尝试将数据集成在统一的框架中。具体而言,以及以下务实的解释,如信息称重假设(心理调节106:748-765,1999中的Almor,西班牙语的RNP和OPP可以被理解为IMBal的肤浅表现

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