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Post-September 11th Political Economy Changes: Non-traditional Security Issues or International Political Economy Concerns?

机译:9月11日后的政治经济变化:非传统安全问题还是国际政治经济学问题?

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These are momentous times for Southeast Asia. No street violence is occurring, no gunshots are being heard. and still mild but self-imposed censorship guides the press in Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, it isn't unlike the incipient malaise of 1968, for those old enough to remember. when the war in Vietnam was on the verge of provoking a turbulent generation-splitting political change in the United States, Europe, and Latin America. It would take another decade or more before those rebellions infected Asian campuses. It was the university students back then who brought down governments. injected new thinking in social policies, and were co-opted into corporate and government elitist services once they graduated. Life went on. Economic programs in the 1960s in Latin America--especially Brazil. Mexico, and Chile--were lauded as 'economic miracles." Asia would soon rack up its own miracles: Japan in the 1960s. Korea and Taiwan in the 1970s, and Singapore. Malaysia. Thailand. Indonesia, and the Philippines in the 1980s all emerged as much admired economic engines of the world. By the 1980s, the military dictators who ruled Latin America had gone back to the barracks. turning their countries over to elected civilian governments. In Chile, civilian presidents chose to continue the same economic strategies that the generals before them had designed. In Argentina, politics held down meaningful reform measures until 1989 when Carlos Menem was elected. Then, in the decade of the 1990s, Argentina became the darling of global bankers, corporate chieftains, government officials of the United States and Europe, and the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. In fact, Argentina, until its inglorious demise in December 2001, was the neoliberal model for how a third world country could get its act together. Then the game of finger pointing and naming names began: who should be blamed for bringing down the neoliberal Argentina that had wiped out hyperinflation fixed its peso on par with the US dollar for ten years, and crafted a political openness theretofore unknown in the country's history?
机译:对于东南亚来说,这是重要时刻。没有街头暴力发生,没有枪声。仍然温和但自我强加的审查制度指导了东南亚的新闻界。尽管如此,对于那些年纪足够大的人来说,这与1968年初期的衰弱没有什么不同。越南战争即将在美国,欧洲和拉丁美洲引发激进的分裂一代人的政治变革之际。这些叛乱再感染亚洲校园还需要十年甚至更长时间。当时的大学生推翻了政府。在社会政策中注入新思想,并在毕业后加入公司和政府精英服务机构。生活继续。 1960年代拉丁美洲的经济计划,尤其是巴西的经济计划。墨西哥和智利被誉为“经济奇迹”。亚洲很快就会出现自己的奇迹:1960年代的日本,1970年代的韩国和台湾,以及1980年代的新加坡,马来西亚,泰国,印度尼西亚和菲律宾。到1980年代,统治拉丁美洲的军事独裁者回到了兵营,将自己的国家移交给民选民政,在智利,民政总统选择继续执行相同的经济战略。在阿根廷,政治一直采取有意义的改革措施,直到1989年卡洛斯·梅内姆(Carlos Menem)当选为止。然后,在1990年代的十年间,阿根廷成为全球银行家,企业首领和联合国政府官员的宠儿。国家和欧洲,以及世界银行和国际货币基金组织(IMF),实际上,直到2001年12月去世前,阿根廷一直是第三世界国家如何实现新自由主义的典范一起行动。然后指责和命名的游戏就开始了:应该推倒谁来推翻消灭恶性通货膨胀的新自由主义阿根廷,将其比索固定为与美元持平,十年,并在政治上公开开放,这在该国历史上是未知的?

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