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Lecture by Lynn Prince Cook. A critical but rarely explored barrier to achieving the "revolution" of egalitarian divisions of unpaid household work may be the wage penalty for domestic tasks predicted by feminist and economic theory. By pooling 2010-12 American Time Use Survey data and using unconditional quantile regression, we reveal that effects vary with the type of domestic task and across husbands' and wives' hourly wage distributions. Each additional hour of routine housework that wives perform on employment days predicts a significant four to five percent wage penalty at all wage levels. Yet we also found threshold effects, in that wives' routine housework penalty becomes significant only after exceeding 1.5 hours per employment day. Threshold effects do not substantially alter low-wage wives' predicted dollar penalty, but indicate high-wage wives incur no wage penalty whatsoever. At the same time, only the highest-wage husbands incur a significant wage penalty for each additional hour of routine housework. Greater time in childcare on employment days has no significant impact on either parent's wages. We conclude potential for greater domestic equality varies with the type of task and a-cross the wage distribution. Relative housework equality has peaked for the highest-wage individuals, but there are no significant wage penalties for low- and moderate-wage husbands' greater housework time, or all fathers' greater time in daily childcare.
机译:林恩·库克亲王的演讲。实现无薪家务的平均主义划分的“革命”的关键但很少探索的障碍可能是女权主义和经济理论所预测的家务劳动的工资惩罚。通过汇总2010-12年美国时间使用调查数据并使用无条件分位数回归,我们发现影响随家政任务类型以及丈夫和妻子的小时工资分布而变化。妻子在工作日每增加一小时的例行家务劳动,在所有工资水平下,工资损失都会高达4%到5%。然而,我们还发现了门槛效应,因为妻子的日常家务劳动惩罚只有在每个工作日超过1.5小时后才显着增加。阈值影响不会显着改变低工资妻子的预期美元罚款,但表明高工资妻子不会受到任何工资罚款。同时,只有工资最高的丈夫每增加一小时的常规家务劳动,便要支付大量的工资。在工作日延长育儿时间不会对父母双方的工资产生重大影响。我们得出的结论是,实现更大家庭平等的潜力因任务类型和整个工资分配而异。相对而言,工资最高的人的家务劳动平等达到了顶峰,但是对于中低工资的丈夫更多的家务时间,或者所有父亲的日常育儿时间都没有明显的工资惩罚。

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    《WZB Mitteilungen 》 |2016年第152期| 44-45| 共2页
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