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Seasick on the Third Wave? Subverting the Hegemony of Propositionalism: Response to Collins & Evans (2002)

机译:第三波晕船?颠覆命题主义的霸权:对柯林斯和埃文斯的回应(2002年)

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摘要

I have argued here that science has been allowed by default to be the agent of public meaning, in the ways that dominant institutions presume public issues to be 'scientific', and often particularly reductionist versions of 'scientific' too. Of course it can be countered that, as is well attested, powerful bodies use science deliberately to advance other covert agendas. This has to be acknowledged; but it can be said to sustain a situation in which, rather eerily, public discourse with which no-one identifies is being used. An alternative is that, perhaps using science more and more in this instrumental way, we have as usual become entrapped and encultured by our own contingent constructs. This ambiguity continues. In favour of Collins and Evans it could be argued that, in practice, questions of meaning can or should be ignored because the discriminating democratization of one-dimensional propositional deliberations (if such could even be imagined as a separate sphere) would naturally be accompanied by democratization of the negotiation of public meanings. However, this would need at least to be recognized and argued through, with the benefit of empirical illustration. It would be wholly inadequate to argue that this issue of negotiation of public meanings is a separate, political matter, because those very boundaries are themselves a key issue, and because 'negotiation' of meanings and frames is usually so embedded as an oblique, tacit kind of un-negotiated 'negotiation', within those ostensibly scientific, propositional public discourses and interventions.
机译:我在这里论证说,默认情况下,科学已被允许成为公共意义的代理人,因为占主导地位的机构认为公共问题是“科学的”,而且通常也特别是“科学”的简化主义版本。当然,可以证明的是,有力证明,强大的机构故意利用科学来推进其他秘密议程。这必须得到承认;但是可以说,这是一种持续存在的情况,在这种情况下,相当荒谬的是,没有人在使用公开讲话。另一种选择是,也许越来越多地以这种工具方式使用科学,我们像往常一样被我们自己的临时构造所困住和培养。这种歧义继续存在。赞成柯林斯和埃文斯的观点是,在实践中,意义问题可以或应该被忽略,因为一维命题审议的歧视性民主化(如果甚至可以想象成一个单独的领域)自然会伴随着公开意义协商的民主化。但是,借助于经验例证,至少需要认识和论证这一点。仅仅争论这个公共意义协商问题是一个单独的政治问题是完全不够的,因为这些边界本身就是一个关键问题,并且因为意义和框架的“谈判”通常被嵌入为一种倾斜,默示的方式。在那些表面上是科学的,命题性的公共话语和干预措施中,是一种未经协商的“谈判”。

著录项

  • 来源
    《Social Studies of Science》 |2003年第3期|p.401-417|共17页
  • 作者

    Brian Wynne;

  • 作者单位

    CESAGen, Institute for Environmental Philosophy and Public Policy, Furness College, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YG, UK;

  • 收录信息 美国《科学引文索引》(SCI);美国《化学文摘》(CA);
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 科学研究理论;
  • 关键词

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