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The Trajectory of Color

机译:颜色的轨迹

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According to a consensus of psycho-physiological and philosophical theories, color sensations (or qualia) are generated in a cerebral "space" fed from photon-photoreceptor interaction (producing "metamers") in the retina of the eye. The resulting "space" has three dimensions: hue (or chroma), saturation (or "purity"), and brightness (lightness, value or intensity) and (in some versions) is further structured by primitive or landmark "colors"―usually four, or six (when white and black are added to red, yellow, green and blue). It has also been proposed that there are eleven semantic universals―labeling the previous six plus the "intermediaries" of orange, pink, brown, purple, and gray. There are many versions of this consensus, but they all aim to provide ontological, epistemological and semantic blueprints for the brute fact of the reality of color ordained by Nature (evolution). In contrast to this consensus, we have argued that "seeing color" is not a matter of light waves impacting on our eyes, producing sensations to be categorized and labeled in the "color space" in the brain. While electrochemical events may unproblematically be regarded as the causal precondition for seeing color, the reception of sensations in "the color space" as semantically labeled natural categories, kinds, or information, is a "just so" story: it is Wittgenstein's beetle in a box. In contrast we consider that the authority of this consensus might better be regarded not as the result of the truth-tracking of nature, but as the sociohistorical outcome of philosophical presuppositions, scientific theories, experimental practices, technological apparatus, and their feed forward into the lifeworld. The question we shall therefore explore is whether, or to what extent, we ourselves are changed, as the conditions of production of color science change. Thus we are doing a kind of anthropology at two levels: of color science itself (and its effect on our own lifeworld), and of those studied by the "anthropology of color". As befits this stance we are agnostic about the theoretical entities of color science (cf. van Fraassen 2001), and within this new context, we propose to cross-cut object-and-subject, organism-and-environment (the bedrock of color science) in socio-historical ways. Our approach is in part inspired by, but not the same as, that of Gibson, in that we wish to pursue the notion of "social affordances" (Burmudez 1995). We suggest that color has become a naturalization through science-based technologies, which, through praxes and materializations, have become the perceptual and cultural entities that structure experience and understanding in the lifeworld. It is this naturalization that we shall refer to and characterize as "the historically inflected exosomatic organ". Consequently we shall explore the historical ontology of "color" without assuming an underlying biological constant (Dupre 2001). In part 1 we show the flimsiness of the evidence for the three dimensions of color, borrowed from physics, and fine-tuned to a "standard observer" (a "spectral creature" with a phenomenal "color space"). In part 2 we address the structuring of hue through the development of color circles and color spaces. This is followed by a review of the evidence for unique hues. Again the evidence is shown to be flimsy. We then show that an isolated domain of color is a particular kind of model, not a "natural given". In part 3, after reviewing what is referred to as "the isomorphy thesis," we discuss the exemplary case study of Berlin and Kay (1969). This illustrates the pull of stadial models presupposed by their evolutionary theory of color language. The Berlin and Kay paradigm proposes that American English color terms are incorrigible and can provide the universal metalanguage. We conclude by presenting an alternative account, namely that we ourselves are changed as the conditions of production of color science change. We argue that it is better to regard "se
机译:根据心理生理学和哲学理论的共识,颜色感觉(或质感)在眼睛视网膜中由光子与光感受器相互作用(产生“元”)产生的大脑“空间”中产生。产生的“空间”具有三个维度:色相(或色度),饱和度(或“纯度”)和亮度(亮度,值或强度),并且(在某些版本中)通常由原始或标志性“颜色”构成—通常四或六(将白色和黑色添加到红色,黄色,绿色和蓝色时)。还提出了11种语义通用性-标记了前面的6种,以及橙色,粉红色,棕色,紫色和灰色的“中介”。这种共识有很多版本,但它们都旨在为自然界(进化论)对色彩现实的残酷事实提供本体论,认识论和语义上的蓝图。与这种共识相反,我们认为“看到颜色”不是光波撞击我们的眼睛的问题,而是在大脑的“颜色空间”中产生要分类和标记的感觉。虽然电化学事件可以毫无疑问地被视为看到颜色的因果前提,但在“颜色空间”中以语义上标记为自然类别,种类或信息的感觉的接收却是“正好”的故事:它是维特根斯坦的甲虫。框。相反,我们认为,这种共识的权威最好不被视为对自然的真实追踪的结果,而应被视为哲学前提,科学理论,实验实践,技术手段及其对社会的前馈的社会历史结果。生活世界。因此,我们将探讨的问题是,随着色彩科学的生产条件发生变化,我们自身是否或在何种程度上发生了变化。因此,我们在两个层次上进行人类学研究:色彩科学本身(及其对我们自己的生活世界的影响),以及那些由“色彩人类学”研究的人类学。按照这种立场,我们对色彩科学的理论实体不了解(参见van Fraassen 2001),并且在这种新的背景下,我们建议跨对象与对象,有机体与环境(色彩的基石)进行交叉切割。科学)。我们的方法部分受吉布森方法的启发,但与吉布森方法不同,因为我们希望追求“社会负担”的概念(Burmudez 1995)。我们建议,通过基于科学的技术,色彩已成为一种归化,通过实用性和物质化,色彩已成为构成生活世界中的经验和理解的感知和文化实体。正是这种归化,我们将其称为“历史上变形的外生器官”。因此,我们将在不假设潜在生物常数的情况下探索“颜色”的历史本体(Dupre 2001)。在第1部分中,我们展示了颜色的三个维度的脆弱性,这些证据是从物理学中借来的,并被微调为“标准观察者”(具有显着“颜色空间”的“光谱生物”)。在第2部分中,我们通过色环和色空间的发展解决了色相的结构问题。接下来是对独特色相证据的审查。再次证明证据是脆弱的。然后,我们证明孤立的颜色域是一种特殊的模型,而不是“自然给定的”模型。在第3部分中,回顾了所谓的“同构论点”之后,我们讨论了Berlin and Kay(1969)的示例案例研究。这说明了以色彩语言的进化理论为前提的体育场模型的吸引力。柏林和凯范式提出,美式英语颜色术语是难以理解的,可以提供通用的元语言。最后,我们提出一个替代性的解释,即随着色彩科学生产条件的变化,我们自身也会发生变化。我们认为最好考虑“

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