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What use was the election to us? Clientelism and political trust amongst ethnic Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

机译:选举对我们有什么用?吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦乌兹别克族人之间的客户至上主义和政治信任

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摘要

This paper posits that a great deal of cross-national variation in clientelistic investment strategies can be explained through an examination of the different forms of risk faced by the political elite of different types of regimes. It also maintains that demand from clients/potential clients is, by itself, insufficient to explain the level or scope of clientelistic investments. The argument is advanced through an examination of the linkages (and non-linkages) between patrons/potential patrons and clients/potential clients amongst the ethnic Uzbek populations of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. In Kyrgyzstan, a semi-authoritarian state, electoral risk predominates; however, the character of electoral risk in Kyrgyzstan provides Uzbek members of the political elite with an incentive to diversify their clientelistic investments. Consequently, many engage in direct exchanges with their constituents while simultaneously investing in private, cultural organizations that serve party-like functions. Alternatively, in contemporary Tajikistan, best described as an authoritarian state, electoral risk has been replaced with the risk of expulsion from the presidential clientelistic network. As a result, members of the Tajikistani political elite have a disincentive to publicly invest in constituent clients as this investment may increase the risk of expulsion.
机译:本文认为,通过检查不同类型政体的政治精英所面临的不同形式的风险,可以解释客户投资策略中的大量跨国差异。它还认为,客户/潜在客户的需求本身不足以解释客户投资的水平或范围。通过考察塔吉克斯坦和吉尔吉斯斯坦乌兹别克族人口中顾客/潜在顾客与顾客/潜在顾客之间的联系(和非联系),提出了这一论点。在半独裁国家吉尔吉斯斯坦,选举风险居多。然而,吉尔吉斯斯坦的选举风险特征使乌兹别克斯坦政治精英成员有动力分散其客户投资。因此,许多人与其选民进行直接交流,同时投资于具有党派职能的私人文化组织。另外,在现代塔吉克斯坦(最能描述为独裁国家)中,选举风险已由总统专制网络驱逐的风险所取代。结果,塔吉克斯坦的政治精英成员对公众投资于部分客户有抑制作用,因为这种投资可能会增加驱逐出境的风险。

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