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The role of the Asia Pacific Partnership in discursive contestation of the international climate regime

机译:亚太伙伴关系在国际气候制度的辩论中的作用

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After withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol, the US Bush Administration and the Australian Howard Government pursued an international climate change policy focussed on voluntary international agreements outside the UN climate negotiations. This strategy included the formation of several climate agreements directed at technology development, including the 2005 Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP provides a model for international climate change policy directed at voluntary national greenhouse gas intensity targets, technology development through sectoral public–private partnerships and technology diffusion through trade. This article situates the APP within these US and Australian inspired climate agreements formed outside the UN negotiations. Bäckstrand and Lövbrand’s (in M. Pettenger (ed.) The social construction of climate change: power knowledge norms discourses, 2007) discourse analysis in relation to the international climate negotiations is used to explore differences between the APP and UN climate treaties. We find the APP embodies a discourse of what we call ‘deregulatory ecological modernisation’ that promotes limited public funding to ease informational failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse is a deeply intensive market liberal approach to international climate change policy, which contests binding emission reduction targets and the development of a global carbon market. The USA, Australia, Japan and Canada represented a core group of countries that used the APP to promote the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse and thereby contest any deepening of developed nations' emission reduction targets for the post-2012 period. However, with changes of leadership and new parties in power in the USA and Australia, it appears that the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse has lost ground compared to a reengagement with discourses supportive of developed country emission reduction targets and equity-based adaptation and technology transfer assistance for developing nations.
机译:在退出《京都议定书》后,美国布什政府和澳大利亚霍华德政府奉行了一项国际气候变化政策,其重点是联合国气候谈判之外的自愿国际协议。该战略包括制定了几项针对技术开发的气候协议,包括2005年亚太清洁发展与气候伙伴关系(APP)。 APP提供了针对国际气候变化政策的模型,该政策针对自愿的国家温室气体强度目标,通过部门公私伙伴关系进行技术开发以及通过贸易进行技术传播。本文将APP置于联合国谈判之外形成的这些受美国和澳大利亚启发的气候协议之内。 Bäckstrand和Lövbrand(在M. Pettenger(编辑),《气候变化的社会建构:权力知识规范话语》,2007年)中与国际气候谈判有关的话语分析被用来探讨APP和联合国气候条约之间的差异。我们发现,APP体现了所谓的“生态退化现代化”,它促进了有限的公共资金投入,以缓解清洁技术和管理实践市场中的信息故障。放松管制的生态现代化话语是对国际气候变化政策的深入市场自由主义方法,它与具有约束力的减排目标和全球碳市场的发展竞争。美国,澳大利亚,日本和加拿大是使用APP促进放松管制的生态现代化话语的核心国家集团,从而对发达国家在2012年后时期减排目标的任何深化提出质疑。但是,随着美国和澳大利亚领导层的变化和新政权的出现,与放松管制的生态现代化话语相比,重新参与支持发达国家减排目标以及基于公平的适应和技术转让援助的话语似乎已经失去了基础。为发展中国家。

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