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Economic draining - German black market operations in France, 1940-1944

机译:经济衰退-1940-1944年德国在法国的黑市运作

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Study of the black market is vital to understanding the social, economic and political stakes of the occupation in the Second World War. It allows a re-examination of German occupation policy, but also highlights civilian survival strategies, wealth distribution and the changing occupier - occupied relationship. In France, the German occupiers spent at least 15% of all financial resources made available to them through the Vichy occupation levy on the illegal market. This purchasing started from the onset of occupation and until the December 1941 resource crisis; German economic agencies bought 'anything, at any price'. This uncoordinated bidding led to a black market bubble, the effects of which spilled over into the official markets where they caused havoc. Spring 1942 brought the centralisation of purchasing. During the ensuing second phase (until spring 1943), the occupier still bought 'anything', but no longer at 'any price'. Although this stabilised prices, it also encouraged illegal production, with raw materials diverted from official industry allocations. During this period 50-60% of all Vichy occupation payments were spent on the black market, at a strategic juncture of the war when such extravagance was no longer justifiable. This undermined German finances in France and became a liability to exploitation and collaboration. The third phase of black market exploitation, from summer 1943 to the end of the occupation, was the most rational. The Germans restricted purchasing to genuinely indispensable strategic raw materials. This built on the effective implementation of a German black market purchasing ban in spring 1943, the support of the Vichy government and French industrial leaders for economic collaboration, business concentrations and closures, market monitoring and resource management methods. As a result, the illegal market in the industrial economy was largely controlled. Arguably the same degree of economic mobilisation could have been achieved one or even two years earlier, had the Germans abstained from unilateral black market purchasing and instead heeded Vichy calls for closer cooperation. German failure in this area was due to lack of coordination, institutional chaos, economic dilettantism, endemic corruption and reckless resource competition; all have their origin in the structure of the Nazi system. Illegal food markets, on the other hand, demonstrated the limits of coercion. As the nutritional value of official civilian rations remained below subsistence level, the French continued to depend on the illegal market for sustenance. Evading food restrictions became something of a national pastime. This further compounded Vichy's lack of willingness (and authority) in enforcing economic regulation in the countryside.
机译:对黑市的研究对于了解第二次世界大战中占领的社会,经济和政治利益至关重要。它不仅可以重新审查德国的占领政策,还可以强调平民的生存策略,财富分配以及不断变化的占领者与占领者的关系。在法国,德国占领者花费了至少15%的资金,这些资金是通过对非法市场进行的维希占领税提供给他们的。这种购买是从占领开始到1941年12月的资源危机为止。德国经济机构“不惜一切代价买了任何东西”。这种不协调的竞标导致了黑市泡沫,其影响波及到官方市场,造成了严重破坏。 1942年春天带来了集中采购。在随后的第二阶段(直到1943年春季),占领者仍然购买了“任何东西”,但不再以“任何价格”购买。尽管这稳定了价格,但它也鼓励了非法生产,原材料被从官方行业分配中挪用了。在此期间,维希所有职业支付的50-60%都花在了黑市上,这是在战争的战略关头,这种奢侈不再是合理的。这破坏了德国在法国的财政,并成为剥削与合作的责任。从1943年夏季到占领结束,黑市开发的第三阶段是最合理的。德国人限制购买真正不可或缺的战略原材料。这是基于1943年春季有效实施德国黑市采购禁令,维希政府和法国工业领袖对经济合作,业务集中和关闭,市场监控和资源管理方法的支持。结果,工业经济中的非法市场得到了很大程度的控制。可以说,如果德国人放弃单方面的黑市购买,而是听从了维希呼吁更紧密合作的话,那么在一两年甚至两年前就可以实现相同程度的经济动员。德国在这一领域的失败是由于缺乏协调,体制混乱,经济贫民主义,地方腐败和鲁ck的资源竞争。所有这些都起源于纳粹体系的结构。另一方面,非法食品市场表明了胁迫的局限性。由于官方民用口粮的营养价值仍然低于维持生计的水平,法国人继续依靠非法市场维持生计。逃避食品限制成为一种国家消遣。这进一步加剧了维希在执行农村经济法规方面缺乏意愿(和权威)。

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