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首页> 外文期刊>Environment reporter >Is Nuisance Litigation Undermining the Clean Air Act's Preemptive Economic Purpose?
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Is Nuisance Litigation Undermining the Clean Air Act's Preemptive Economic Purpose?

机译:妨害诉讼是否正在损害《清洁空气法》的先发经济目的?

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As a result of their failure to conduct proper conflict preemption analyses, the Merrick, Freeman, and Bell courts failed to evaluate the impact of nuisance litigation on Congress's purposes. Although the CAA certainly mandated improvements in air quality, that goal was not addressed in a vacuum. Congress also insisted that improvements be made consistently with economic growth and predictable standards. The CAA's permit- ting system was designed to effectuate Congress's intentions by creating and sustaining a "level playing field" that balanced those priorities. Although the text of the CAA demonstrates these conjoined goals, and the history of their application demonstrates their efficacy, the Merrick, Freeman and Bell decisions failed to appreciate their importance. As a result of this "cart before the horse" reasoning, Merrick, Freeman and Bell erroneously allowed common law remedies to trump Congress's economic purposes in the CAA. If courts are permitted to adjust federally permitted emissions under state common law, their judgments will disrupt the competitive balance the CAA was created to ensure. In such proceedings, the competitive balance struck by administrative agencies can be "reopened" and "reexamined" de novo. If the "level playing field" mandated by Congress can be tilted unilaterally by individual courts throughout the nation, those decisions will compromise the CAA's cooperative regulatory structure. There is no assurance that tribunals presiding over nuisance actions will apply the same criteria, consider the same evidence, or reach the same conclusions regarding the "reasonableness" of a defendant's emissions. Indeed, there is no guarantee that state tort law will even allow courts to consider economic feasibility and competitive impacts in their liability and damage determinations. Nothing in the CAA remotely contemplates such confounding consequences, but they are entirely foreseeable if the Supreme Court does not act to reverse the economically destructive reasoning embraced by Merrick and similar decisions. It is time to recognize the primacy of Congress's preemptive economic purpose -and to protect the economic equilibrium ensured by the CAA's permitting programs from common law disruption.
机译:由于无法进行适当的冲突优先权分析,因此梅里克,弗里曼和贝尔法院未能评估妨害诉讼对国会宗旨的影响。尽管民航局肯定要求改善空气质量,但这个目标并未在真空中解决。国会还坚持认为,要与经济增长和可预测的标准保持一致。 CAA的许可制度旨在通过创造和维持平衡这些优先事项的“公平竞争环境”来实现国会的意图。尽管CAA的文字说明了这些共同目标,并且其应用历史证明了它们的功效,但Merrick,Freeman和Bell的决定未能理解其重要性。由于这种“先于马车”的推理,梅里克,弗里曼和贝尔错误地允许普通法救济在民航局中超越国会的经济目的。如果允许法院根据州普通法调整联邦允许的排放量,那么他们的判决将破坏CAA为确保这一目标而建立的竞争平衡。在这样的程序中,可以重新“重新打开”并“重新检查”行政机构所达到的竞争平衡。如果国会授权的“公平竞争环境”可以由全国各地的法院单方面倾斜,那么这些决定将损害CAA的合作监管结构。无法保证主持妨害诉讼的法庭对于被告排放物的“合理性”将采用相同的标准,考虑相同的证据或得出相同的结论。确实,不能保证国家侵权法甚至允许法院在其赔偿责任和损害赔偿确定中考虑经济可行性和竞争影响。 CAA并未遥遥地考虑到这种令人困惑的后果,但如果最高法院不采取行动扭转梅里克和类似判决所包含的对经济造成破坏性的推理,则完全可以预见。现在该承认国会的先发制人的经济目标至上的时候了,并保护CAA的许可计划所确保的经济平衡免受普通法的破坏。

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