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Governing the global climate commons: The political economy of state and local action, after the U.S. flip-flop on the Paris Agreement

机译:治理全球气候共同体:美国在《巴黎协定》的发布后,国家和地方行动的政治经济学

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摘要

United States withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, which follows well-known principles of common pool resource management, poses a serious challenge, but it could provide a golden opportunity to cement and advance the efficacy and legitimacy of the Agreement. The Agreement encourages subnational units to participate in a polycentric, multistakeholder governance structure. As many as two dozen states have policies that could put them in compliance. These states represents over 40% of U.S. emissions, making them the 4th or 5th largest emitter. Subnational compliance would give the Agreement a major boost particularly if they seek observer status and are exempted from sanction. Even without such rewards, the states have strong reasons to follow this path. As non-fossil fuel producing states, they have clear interests in developing local resources as the basis for their electricity sector. As a large group, they gain economies of scale and network effects. As part of the American Federalist system, they would be defending their right of independent action. At COP 23, the U.S. subnational entities played a prominent role and the treaty participants reacted strongly against the Trump administration position, while embracing the activities of U.S. subnational entities. The U.S. presence was limited and isolated.
机译:美国退出《巴黎协定》是遵循共同池资源管理的众所周知的原则,这构成了严峻的挑战,但它可能为巩固和提高该协定的效力和合法性提供了千载难逢的机会。该协议鼓励地方政府部门参与多中心,多利益相关方的治理结构。多达二十两个州制定了可以使其遵守法规的政策。这些州占美国排放量的40%以上,成为第四大或第五大排放国。地方政府的合规将极大地推动该协议的发展,特别是如果他们寻求观察员身份并免于制裁。即使没有这种奖励,各州也有充分的理由走这条路。作为非化石燃料生产国,它们对开发当地资源作为电力部门的基础有着明显的兴趣。作为一个大集团,他们获得了规模经济和网络效应。作为美国联邦制的一部分,他们将捍卫自己的独立行动权。在第二十三届联合国气候变化大会(COP23)上,美国国家以下实体发挥了重要作用,条约参加者对特朗普政府的立场做出了强烈反应,同时拥护美国国家以下实体的活动。美国的存在受到限制和孤立。

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