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Lexington: Belief and the ballot box

机译:列克星敦:信仰和投票箱

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For years, the dominant story about religion in American politics concerned the religious right. White evangelical Protestants aligned themselves with the Republican Party and formed a large part, maybe a fifth or a sixth, of the Republican coalition. Evangelicals thought of themselves as outside the mainstream, alternatively disgusted by it and called upon to change it. So when religious concerns emerged in the public sphere, they seemed to present a clash between evangelicals and the rest of America, all mediated by intra-Republican-Party politics. This view is looking more and more dubious. Increasingly, the defining political-cum-religious conflict in America is between aggressive Republican evangelicals on the one hand and an equally aggressive Democratic group of secularists on the other. Yet at the same time, the manner in which people worship, and their attitudes towards their faith, are becoming more important in determining people's politics than their denomination alone (whether they are evangelical, or Catholic, or whatnot). In politics, these trends are pulling in opposite directions.
机译:多年来,在美国政治中有关宗教的主导故事涉及宗教权利。白人福音派新教徒与共和党结盟,构成了共和党联盟的很大一部分,也许是五分之一或六分之一。福音派人士认为自己不在主流之外,或者被主流厌恶,并呼吁改变主流。因此,当宗教忧虑出现在公共领域时,它们似乎在福音派人士与美国其他地区之间发生了冲突,这些冲突都是由共和党内部政治所调解的。这种观点越来越令人怀疑。在美国,界定性的政治和宗教冲突越来越多地一方面是侵略性的共和党福音派人士,另一方面是同样具有侵略性的民主党世俗主义者集团之间。然而,与此同时,人们在决定人们的政治时,其敬拜方式及其对信仰的态度正变得比单纯的宗派(无论是福音派,天主教徒还是其他)更重要。在政治上,这些趋势正朝相反的方向发展。

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  • 来源
    《The economist》 |2004年第8378期|p.44|共1页
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  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 经济;各科经济学;
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 23:32:43

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