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The best of enemies

机译:最好的敌人

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Vin Weber, a former Republican congressman for Minnesota, once joked that Americans treat foreign policy much as they treat dentistry-something they would rather not think about unless they have to. The first three presidential elections after the end of the cold war, in 1992,1996 and 2000, saw little discussion of the world beyond America's borders. The economy trumped international affairs, the culture wars diplomacy. Even in 2004, when America was really at war, values seemed to matter much more than abroad did.rnThis year will be different. Foreign policy will define the election almost as much as America's troubled economy. The next American president will inherit the most difficult international situation since Richard Nixon won power in 1968: two nasty wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan, in their fifth and seventh year respectively; an Iran bent on acquiring nuclear weapons; instability in Pakistan; deeply strained relations with a prickly Russia; rivalry with booming China; a catastrophic drop in America's standing around the world; and a backlash against globalisation.
机译:明尼苏达州前共和党前国会议员Vin Weber曾开玩笑说,美国人对待外交政策就像对待牙科一样,这是他们宁愿不要考虑的事情。冷战结束后的前三届总统选举分别是1992、1996和2000年,几乎没有人讨论美国以外的世界。经济胜过国际事务,文化大战外交。即使在2004年美国真正处于战争状态时,价值似乎也比国外重要得多。今年将是不同的。外交政策对选举的定义几乎与美国陷入困境的经济一样。下一任美国总统将继承自理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)1968年上台以来最艰难的国际局势:伊拉克和阿富汗分别在第五年和第七年爆发了两次讨厌的战争;伊朗一心想获得核武器;巴基斯坦的动荡;与一个多刺的俄罗斯的关系十分紧张;与蓬勃发展的中国竞争;美国在世界各地的地位急剧下降;以及对全球化的强烈反对。

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    《The economist》 |2008年第8600期|xxi|共2页
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 23:31:30

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