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How The Government Lost The Plot

机译:政府如何迷失方向

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Awar, a riot, a terrorist attack or a row over blasphemy: not long ago, Britain's government knew exactly what to do when a crisis loomed in relations with the country's Muslims. As recently as July 2005, after bombs in London killed 56 people, Tony Blair was confident that he could avoid a total breakdown of trust between Muslim Britons and their compatriots.rnUsing an old formula, the prime minister called in some Islamic worthies and suggested they form a task force on extremism. Then, hours before the worthies were due to reconvene and mull their response, Mr Blair breezily announced that a task-force of top Muslims had just been created. They moaned, but dutifully went to work.rnThat system of trade-offs, the equivalent of the "beer and sandwiches" once used to woo trade unionists, had some big drawbacks. It gave hardline Muslims-gen-erally male, old and new to Britain-disproportionate sway. It also led to some dubious bargains; for example, Muslim resentment of British foreign policy was parried by, in part, huge generosity towards the cultural demands of some Muslims-such as the right to establish schools where the curriculum bears scant relation to the lessons other young Britons get.
机译:阿瓦(Awar),骚乱,恐怖袭击或亵渎神灵:不久前,当与该国穆斯林的关系隐现危机时,英国政府确切知道该怎么办。就在2005年7月,伦敦炸弹炸死56人之后,托尼·布莱尔(Tony Blair)坚信他可以避免穆斯林不列颠人与其同胞之间的信任彻底瓦解。组成一个极端主义工作队。紧接着,在有钱人重新集会并仔细考虑他们的回应的几个小时前,布莱尔先生轻松地宣布,刚刚成立了由顶级穆斯林组成的工作组。他们mo吟,但尽职地去上班。这种折衷的制度(曾经用来吸引工会会员的“啤酒和三明治”的折衷办法)有很大的弊端。它给强硬的穆斯林,通常是男性,无论是新来的还是新来的,在英国都占了上风。这也导致了一些可疑的讨价还价;例如,穆斯林对英国外交政策的不满,部分是由于他们对某些穆斯林的文化要求慷慨慷慨地招致的,例如建立学校的权利,该课程的课程与其他年轻的英国人所学的课程关系不大。

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    《The economist》 |2009年第8620期|35-36|共2页
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 23:30:53

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