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Democracy vs. dictatorship: Comparing the evolution of economic growth under two political regimes

机译:民主与专政:比较两种政治体制下经济增长的演变

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A democratic society is often regarded as a prerequisite for economic growth and development. Yet, most empirical studies are not capable of identifying a positive link between GDP growth and democracy indexes. In addition, it is a stylized empirical fact that: (ⅰ) most developing countries are dictatorships; and (ⅱ) many poor dictatorships have experienced high growth performances and emerged from poverty such as South Korea, China and Egypt. Against this background, it is of interest to analyse in which ways the growth performance between autocratic and democratic economies may differ, in particular among low-income countries. To answer this question, we compare the endogenous growth paths of two economies that differ only in their political regimes in the context of an overlapping generations model. The key features of the model are: (ⅰ) a positive bequest motive in the form of investments in education or productive public capital (infrastructure); (ⅱ) a higher marginal (inter-temporal) utility of consumption today versus consumption tomorrow in low-income countries (for example, subsistence level of consumption); and (ⅲ) a dictator that cares about her income or the income of her dynasty tomorrow. In this framework, we demonstrate that poor but large and stable dictator-ships exhibit a higher equilibrium growth rate than comparable (equally poor) democracies. Moreover, there exists a particular threshold value in income such that the growth-reducing impact of dictatorial consumption (corruption) outweighs the higher (initial) public investments. Above this, the growth rate under democracy dominates the one in dictatorship.
机译:民主社会通常被视为经济增长与发展的先决条件。但是,大多数经验研究都无法确定GDP增长与民主指数之间的正向联系。此外,一个典型的经验事实是:(ⅰ)大多数发展中国家是独裁国家; (ⅱ)许多贫穷的独裁国家都表现出很高的增长表现,并摆脱了贫困,例如韩国,中国和埃及。在这种背景下,分析独裁和民主经济之间的增长表现可能会有所不同(尤其是在低收入国家之间)可能会有所不同。为了回答这个问题,我们比较了两个经济体的内生增长路径,这两个经济体在世代重叠的模型中仅在其政治体制上有所不同。该模型的主要特征是:(ⅰ)以积极的遗产为动机的形式,投资于教育或生产性公共资本(基础设施); (ⅱ)在低收入国家,今天的消费边际(跨时间)效用要比明天的消费更高(例如,生活水平的消费); (ⅲ)一位独裁者,关心她的收入或明天的朝代收入。在这个框架中,我们证明了贫穷但庞大而稳定的独裁统治者比可比的(同样贫穷的)民主国家表现出更高的均衡增长率。此外,收入有一个特定的阈值,使得独裁消费(腐败)对增长的减少影响大于较高的(初始)公共投资。除此之外,民主制下的增长率主导着独裁制。

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